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August 14, 2009

Is the SDF Party still an Opposition Model in Cameroon Politics?



Politics in Cameroon has come a long way, stemming from small pressure groups led by educated elites in both British and French Cameroon to full-fletched political parties, having as main objective to oust colonial domination and exploitation and achieve political independence. The long struggle led to the elections of John Ngu Foncha and Ahmadou Ahidjo as premiers in both British and French Cameroons respectively. With the independence of French Cameroon on January 1st 1960 under Ahidjo, came the merger of the two Cameroons to form the Federation in 1961; the United Republic of Cameroon and finally the Republic of Cameroon under Paul Biya in 1984.

Despite the political progress, development and true democracy did not follow. Opportunities were squandered, poverty level rose, human rights and civil society silenced and politics became a platform of oppression under the single party – Cameroon National Union (CNU) created by Ahidjo and later replaced by Biya in 1985 with the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM).

The wind of change that blew across Africa in the 1990s saw daring Cameroonians like Yondo Black and John Fru Ndi making frantic moves at creating parties outside the unique party - CPDM.


On 26 May 1990, the Social Democratic Front (SDF) – humorously given the acronymic appellation “Suffer Don Finish” by ordinary Cameroonians - was created. The creation of the SDF sounded the end of political monopoly and the beginning of multiparty politics in Cameroon.

The SDF has stood out to be the main opposition party in Cameroon in its 18 years of existence. In the course of its struggle to force institutional changes that would allow for greater democracy in Cameroon and to topple the “dictatorial regime” of Paul Biya; this party registered both successes and failures. The party has succeeded in positioning itself amongst the more than 130 parties, as an opposition party with national standards, free from ethnic, regional or linguistic affinities and uniting both the English and French speaking Cameroonians – with baseline slogans like “power to the people”.

One of its greatest successes was registered during the 1992 October Presidential elections where Cameroonians and observers far and near admitted its victory over the CPDM ruling party of Biya. Thanks to manipulation and massive riggings of the elections in Biya’s favour, the incumbent party president won by 39.9 % votes against 35.9 % votes for the SDF.

Despite SDF’s popularity, it has not been able in 18 years to achieve its goal – to take over power from Biya. This failure has been attributed to the party and the Chairman’s miscalculations and blunders in the past. Such failures have helped to reduce the party’s credibility and potentialities in facing the CPDM’s mass political machinery.

According to analysts like Ihonvbere, Mukum and Takougang , writing on the SDF in their book entitled: The Transition to Democratic Governance in Africa, the party’s first miscalculation was in 1991 when it organised alongside other opposition parties , general boycotts and manifestations known as “Ghost Towns”; aimed at crippling the country’s economy, forcing Biya to comply with their demands for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) and his eventual resignation . The lack of strategic planning and coordination of the movement as well as Biya’s political savvy during the turbulent moment led to its failure.

Secondly, the non participation by the SDF in the March 1992 legislative election was a gross miscalculation and political blunder. By 1992, Biya and the CPDM were weakened and SDF’s participation would have led to its winning the majority of seats at the legislature, thereby, influencing politics in Cameroon; but it failed to do so and this gave Biya the open chance to grab the majority of seats in the legislative assembly- winning 88 out of 180 seats.

Also, the SDF never presented a clear and well-defined political and socio-economic agenda and plan for Cameroon, but rather based its focus on bring down Biya from power and taking over. “Biya must go” slogans became common place during the party’s campaigns and rallies.

Moreover, the lost of support from many Anglophone hardliners of the Cameroon Anglophone Movement (CAM) who expected Fru Ndi and the SDF to champion the Anglophone cause played against the SDF’s popularity. For the sake of national representation, Fru Ndi chose to avoid regionalism and sectarism.

One of the major setbacks to SDF has been the internal political division within its leadership. Disagreements over viewpoints and policies saw charismatic members of the party nursing efforts to challenge Fru Ndi’s leadership ambitions. For example, Bernard Muna wanted to stand as the party’s candidate during the 1992 presidential elections; meanwhile Siga Asanga one of the founding members and secretary general was dismissed from his post in 1994; and the resignation from the party of 10 out of 43 SDF National Assembly representatives in 1998 greatly affected the party’s political savour and stability.

Meanwhile others have attributed the failure of Cameroon’s opposition movement to Fru Ndi’s inexperience and inability to cajole and rally other opposition parties around the SDF , some have given credits to Biya and the CPDM political prowess in dividing and weakening the SDF as major opposition party, by favouring the creation of many baseless opposition parties ( in 1992, he disbursed 500 million to be shared amongst all participating parties in the legislative elections) ; and by buying some opposition party leaders and placing them in lucrative positions. .Biya’s “black hand” was also seen at work during the last presidential elections of 2004. He succeeded in infusing schism within the Coalition for National Reconciliation and Reconstruction (CNRR) by inflating the interest factor amongst party leaders.

Maybe the major issue that discredited the party in the eyes of many if the fact that the SDF with time, has come to be identified with violence. The party’s difficulties in gaining power via the ballots due to the regime’s election malpractices and political intrigues has surely led to frustration amongst numerous party supporters and the belief that they will never win as long as Biya lives. On the other hand, this frustration has seen the party’s leadership supporting violence during manifestations against the regime, in a bit to attract international attention on the deficiencies in Biya’s regime and consequent condemnation. This was the case during the February 2008 nationwide hunger strike manifestations when Fru Ndi openly called for greater violence.

One would have expected greater political tact and maturity from the SDF party. For example, by putting up more political pressure and being more present in the political scene instead of boycotting elections and meetings and later joining in desperation. This makes the supporters to feel like the desperation and the inexperience within the party’s leadership. Fru Ndi should have made moves in neighbouring countries and gaining the support of other African leaders who uphold democracy and justice such as South Africa and Ghana. He could even try to buy in, former CPDM members who have defected from the party such as Milla Asoute who is now in France, or those who have today formed the G11. These politicians surely know some hidden secrets and weak points in the CPDM party and the SDF could use the weaknesses as means of pressure to make Biya comply with certain demands that would eventually lead to his downfall. In addition, instead of limiting itself to galvanising the common grassroots Cameroonian, the SDF should grant greater attention to the youths in Cameroon which history has revealed to be a force to reckon with when it comes to effecting changes in societies. The example of Soweto youths (South Africa) in 1976 should speak for itself. Haven gained the support of the grassroots and a majority of the peasantry, the SDF has been fooled by its popularity which alone does not guarantee victory. SDF should focus its actions more on galvanising the masses to register massively on voters’ list and purchase their voters’ cards. It serves nothing to have a mass support of 30,000 people for example with only 200 registered. Again, more affirmative advocacy actions should be taken by the SDF towards international bodies such as the UN and the African Union as far as the organisation, supervision and proclamation of elections is concerned to ensure impartial and genuine results. There exists many other solutions to bring down a dictator, the SDF simply need to study a little bit more of history in order to learn from the past.

All these points have helped in discrediting the SDF party in Cameroon politics and peeled off many of its former hardliner supporters. For 18 years, the SDF party has been campaigning and struggling to bring down Biya and the CPDM party under the pretext that Biya is a dictator and wants to eternalise himself in power. This argument is real, plausible and has succeeded in gaining the support of many who desire to see changes occur in Cameroon as elsewhere in the world.

The question we ask ourselves is whether Fru Ndi and the SDF are setting the right examples to emulate. The paradox is that, the “power syndrome” that has affected Biya and the CPDM regime has been diagnosed and found within the SDF party as well. Fru Ndi would not admit another candidate taking the much coveted leadership position in the SDF party as long as he lives and Biya rules. This is one of the reasons why people like Bernard Muna left to form their own parties. It is also the reason for the failure and disintegration of the Coalition (CNRR) in 2004; since Fru Ndi would not accept Ndam Njoya as Coalition candidate for the elections after all his struggles.

We understand therefore that all politicians put their interest first before that of the nation despite their demagogy and sweet promises to the masses during their campaigns. How can Fru Ndi want Biya to relinquish power at national level when he cannot do so at party level? What therefore makes the difference between both leaders? Would Fru Ndi not do same if he was given the chance to rule?

At this allure, we start to question if the SDF, based on the above analysis is still capable to stand as a strong opposition to the Biya regime, especially after 2010 if Biya decides to stand for re-election following the constitutional changes he effected in his favour (which probably he will).

Many might not buy the views in this article because of “political fanaticism”, but it is way pass the time to be sycophants. The old-fashioned conspiracy of silence has only helped to support a “politically correct” attitude amongst our elite class, thereby doing no justice to the masses. We need to criticise if we want to see the change. There is need for a new leadership within the SDF party. One of the mistakes of Fru Ndi has been his failure to groom a successor. This has now led to uncertainties about the loyalties of the present members, given that many have been crossing the carpet into Biya’s “parti majoritaire” or “la mangoire”. Maybe one of the motives for his continues grip to the party’s leadership is the fear of the death of the party and its vision if some other person takes over.

Until there are institutional change, with new breath and blood at the helm of the greatest opposition party in Cameroon , with new political insight and tactics , the opposition movement in Cameroon will continue to witness political impasse and inefficiency; to the greatest satisfaction of Biya and the CPDM regime who; finding no real political challenge , will keep twisting and deforming to its convenience the country’s constitution; this to the greatest dissatisfaction of millions of Cameroonians .

Omar Bongo’s Death: End of Leadership Tussle, New Leadership Stakes in the ECCAS / CEMAC Region or Regional Eclipse?

The news fell on Sunday 07 June 2009 announcing the death of the Dean of African Heads of State at the age of 73. The death of Omar Bongo Ondimba of Gabon in Barcelone comes at a time when the Continent is in the process to build a strong and effective African Union.

Way back in 1961-62, inspired by the movements of avant-guards of Pan-Africanism such as WEB Dubois , William Blyden and Marcus Garvey, heated debates between the Casablanca and the Monrovia Groups over the unity of the continent , led to the resolution that the unity of the continent shall be better achieved by a gradual process and through regional economic groups.

It is against this backdrop that several regional groups will be created to achieve the much desired African unity. Prominent amongst them are the SADC (South African Development Community) for Southern Africa, ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) for West Africa, CEMAC (Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa) and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) for Central Africa, East African Cooperation (EAC) for East Africa and the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) for the Horn of Africa.

While the other regions such as West and Southern Africa have incontestable regional hegemons such as Nigeria and South Africa respectively, the leadership situation in the Central African region remained complicated. This was as a result of the long but silent leadership tussle between Gabon and Cameroon personalised by the two Heads of State – late Omar Bongo and Paul Biya.

A relation marked by mutual suspicion and distrust, the leadership rivalry that prevailed between President Paul Biya of Cameroon and Bongo of Gabon was manifested in many instances and can be traced as far back as 1982, when the former came to power.

The resignation of Cameroon’s first President Ahmadou Ahidjo in November 1982 due to health deficiency pushed President Bongo to position himself as the “Doyen” (Dean) of the Heads of State of the sub region and to claim leadership possession. By the time Biya came to power in 1982, Bongo had already accomplished 15 years of rule (after acceding on 28 November 1967). Biya aware of the economic weight of his country could not admit this domination, and decided to contend for the leadership position, despite Gabon’s non-negligible economic might. Gabon is blessed with an enormous forest zone and a rich petroleum reserve. Out of the total surface area of 26.700.000 hectares, Gabon’s forest covers a surface area of about 22.000.000 ha; 85 % of the territory, with 1.800.000 ha of forest reserves (7%).The exploitation of her forest and wood industry represents more than 5% of her GDP, making it second after petroleum exploitation.

This distrust was exacerbated after the April 1984 failed coup d’état against Biya which threatened his political credibility and affected his perception and cooperation with other Statesmen in the region. After this event and the investigations that followed, the authorities in Yaoundé suspected Gabon’s black hand in the coup and this helped to intensify the tense relations that prevailed between both leaders. Moreover, after the 1984 Cameroon-Gabon border Mixed-Commission, their relations became marked by prolonged silence. Between 1989 and 1997, the Cameroon embassy in Gabon was without a titular.

Equally, Bongo chose to organise 3 African meetings in Libreville at the time when Cameroon hosted the 32nd Conference of the OAU Heads of State and Government from the 7 to the 9 July 1996. Bongo decided to organise within the same period the meetings of: UDEAC (4-5 July 1996); the African Development Bank (07 July 1996) and Air Afrique (07 July 1996) respectively.

Cameroon’s natural endowments and size gives her natural leadership capacity to pull the decision-making mechanism of the region to the right direction, but her actions have not fully translated this fact.

For Cameroon’s creative initiatives and efforts for peace and security within the UN Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa to be unanimously acclaimed, she had to be more engaged especially in conflict resolution talks within the region and Continent at large but this is far from being a mirror reflection of the situation. Before 1982, Cameroon’s actions were felt in this domain, with president Ahidjo’s appearances in most peace talks both at personal initiative and collectively within the OAU. Cases in point include the 1967-70 Biafra crisis and the Chadian crisis between 1965-80 where he distinguished himself as a great mediator and peace maker. These moves earned him the respect of his peers within the OAU and the November 1982 Dag Hammarskjöld Prize for peace and solidarity.

With the arrival of Biya in 1982 and especially after the failed 1984 coup, Cameroon was hardly seen on the conflict resolution table. President Biya was very inactive in the phase of crises that occurred in the region. Matter of fact, Cameroon’s foreign policy practice at this time was what analysts have termed “dormant diplomacy” and “la diplomatie to tam-tam” (a form of diplomacy which makes much noise but realises very little). Cameroon did not distinguish herself but merely joined the crowd in rebuking a crisis or illegal attack and /or lauding a positive event. For example, in the OAU Summit that was held on 28 September 1998 in Libreville to discuss the war situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the recurrence of war in Angola, Cameroon was not even represented. Cameroon was very absent within the OAU as far as peace talks were concerned, except on some rare occasions. These were occasions such as during the extra ordinary meeting of the central organ of the OAU mechanism for conflict prevention, management and resolution in 1996, where Biya as acting chairman of the OAU presided.

In 1995 during the CPDM (Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement) party congress, a delegate representing the Movement for the Liberation of the People of the Central African Republic (MLPC) of President Patassé requested Cameroon’s mediation between the Government of the Republic of Central Africa and the mutinous soldiers. This demand however received no favourable reply.

This weakness was exploited by President Bongo of Gabon who became more present in terms of mediation. For example, Gabonese president played a magnificent role in the Central African Republic (CAR), where he was made president of the mediation committee to work on the Bangui Agreement of 25 January 1997. Following the political crisis in the Central African Republic in 1996-97, President Bongo was Chairman of the International Mediation Committee and was equally very much involved in the creation of MISAB (Inter-African Mission to monitor the implementation to monitor the Bangui Agreements). Gabonese president was equally seen in mediation talks in Chad, Angola, Congo - Brazzaville and the DRC. Cameroon’s inability to back her initiatives with firm actions reduced her glow to the advantage of countries like Gabon which seemingly became the emerging power in the region.

It was necessary to improve the relations between Cameroon and Gabon since they both constituted the locomotive of the CEMAC (Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa) sub region and pillars for its survival. The “cold war” was bad for their regional integration plans. In the quest for peace within the region, Cameroon’s President Biya tried to ease the tension between both countries as he recently paid an official visit to Gabon on their National Day in August 2007 where he was made the guest of honour. In the view of Professor Pondi Emmanuel specialist in international relations, though there have never been a serious open hostility between both countries, the gesture was a form of reconciliation and putting their relationship on new rails.

These two giants of Central Africa (Cameroon and Gabon) have been very instrumental in setting up structures for the political and economic development of the region. We know the role played by Gabon in the creation of the defunct Customs and Economic Union of Central Africa (UDEAC) later replaced by CEMAC and Cameroon’s role in the creation of ECCAS and COPAX (Council for Peace and Security in Central Africa). Instead of merging such potentials to strengthen the region’s structures and role in fostering both its development and that of the Continent, they invest resources and efforts for personal glory and power which ends up leading the region in political and socio-economic hibernation.

This rivalry affected decisions taken within CEMAC and more importantly within ECCAS as far as peace and security is concerned. For example, during the 1999 summit in Malabo, Cameroon stood for an independent and autonomous COPAX to give it ample powers to take actions when violent situations arose, and to have its structures out of Brazzaville, which was the headquarters of ECCAS. Gabon opposed this stance and argued that COPAX should remain an integral part of ECCAS, and be placed under the authority of the deputy Secretary-General of ECCAS, who in turn would liaise with the Council of Ministers and Heads of State.

It equally weakened the COPAX mechanism, and rendered its operation difficult due to its lack of autonomy. The existence of a “cold war” between the two leaders was attested in a speech delivered by President Bongo when he intimated in 1998 that:


S’il y’a un problème entre lui [Biya] et moi, ce n’est pas en tout cas de mon
fait… . Je sais qu’on ne le voit guère ici, à Libreville, alors que moi, je me
suis rendu à Yaoundé, aux Sommets des l’OUA et de l’UDEAC. Que faudrait-il
faire? Que je n’y aille plus, afin que nous soyons à armes égales ?

In the message, Bongo blames the crisis on Biya by saying that: If there is a problem, it is not of his making. That Biya was hardly seen in Libreville, meanwhile he was in Yaoundé during the OAU and UDEAC Summits. He asks if he should stop going to Cameroon for them to be on equal footing.

This “cold war” had led to the division of the CEMAC sub region into two camps: Cameroon, Chad and CAR on the one hand and Gabon, Congo and Equatorial Guinea on the other hand. Consequently, this has divided the commitments of the member states of the region to peace and security since requirements and resolutions taken at regional meetings were either not respected in time or were not respected at all; reasons why the insecurity persist.

These differences have helped to slow down, the progress of the region’s institutional development in terms of development and the pressing security needs in the region torn by violent intrastate conflicts.

African leaders, observers and political analysts have acknowledged the role of Bongo in the Central African region even in the midst of the diplomatic and political tussle for regional leadership. With Bongo out of the contending list for the regions’ leadership, we ask ourselves if President Biya will finally step out of his political shell and comfort zone to confirm possession of the baton of command as a regional hegemon in the same rank as Nigeria and South Africa. It is a secret to nobody that competition breeds effectiveness and good works from contending parties. It is our hope that Biya does not consider this death as nature’s given gain and as a motive to further slumber on undeserved laurels. The region needs a new form of leadership which is divorced from cynicism, egocentrism and the “politics of the stomach”. If the Heads of State of ECCAS/CEMAC do not concert to seek new directions towards the future and redefine their vision for the region which is already hampered by persistent intrastate conflicts and which impedes on the region’s development agenda, we might witness gradual stagnation and the final eclipsing of the Central African region vis-à-vis the other regions of the Continent such as West and Southern Africa. Since one hand alone cannot tire a bundle, the Continent needs all its four regional groups to be active and effective in order to achieve its set objectives as well meet the targets of the MDGs.

From State to Human Security. Re- conceptualizing the Notion of Security in a Global Locomotive: New Perspectives and Challenges

Introduction

International relations especially interstate relation is marked by a combination of converging and diverging interests and opinions. From time immemorial, the world has witnessed uncountable moments of wars, civil strife and turmoil, with gigantic human and material repercussions. Many statesmen tended to focus their minds and policies on ensuring the security of their territorial dominion. This led to serious investments in the political and military sectors of the state, with limited regard for other issues such as the environment or human rights violations. Many dwelled beneath the belief that ensuring the safety of the border was a condition sine qua non to ensuring the security of the citizens and state’s resources. The paradox in this belief was that, the more they developed armaments to secure the state’s border, the more the risk and the occurrence of war. Events such as World Wars I and II as well as the Cold War are glaring examples that need not be elaborated upon. Since the end of the Cold War, the concept of security has undergone some transformations and fusions with respect to new challenges facing humanity. Security has somewhat become compartmentalised into diverse facets. Scholarly debates and reflections have produced a new dimension to the concept of security. The world has noticed some sort of magnificent shift from the military and political focus to a closer scope which focuses on individual safety. This has led to the “globalisation” of the issue of security as it has now become a common concern, since what occurs in one part of the world may have adverse effects on another. There is therefore the need through this article to re-conceptualise security with respect to the times and to know what today constitute the new enemy. We shall see the evolution of the concept from history in order to better understand the present challenges. The subject matter is specific but the scope is global because the issue on our menu has evolved from the national to regional to becoming a global topic of discussion and threat. The overall aim is to raise up a new global citizenship, well aware of mankind’s present threats and to better contribute to finding a global solution by reflecting on solutions and influencing the policy community to apply best practices to curb the impacts of the new security threats. Before we jump into the subject matter proper, let’s try to define the terms in their right context for better understanding.

Definition
Security entails freedom or safety from any danger or potential danger that can cause damage to an individual, state or any other given target. Such protection is not limited to a state but goes beyond to embrace a global dimension. The United Nations (UN) which is a global intergovernmental organization created in 1945 was put in place inter alia to ensure and maintain international peace and security. With the bipolar nature of the world, there was the need for global coordination of state relations and actions in a standardised world order with the view to ensuring the safety of the human race in the midst of growing technological explosion. The post Cold War season has ushered in new challenges which have let to a smooth transition to a new notion of security called ‘human security’. Since this a new concept, there is no established definition to it yet, but all inks tend to agree that human security is very much concerned with individual safety and protection. Protecting people from both natural and man-made risks is its primordial focus. This concept is largely related to the concept of conflict prevention since it denotes protection from foreseen and unforeseen dangers and addresses the root causes of political, economic, social and environmental instability. The concept according to 3D Security Initiative , has both a narrow dimension which limits it definition to freedom from fear and is focused on violent threats to individuals; while the broad approach looks at it as freedom from need, focusing on addressing root causes of preventable or avoidable deaths due to hunger and disease. [1] When such needs are not met due to either bad governance, poorly framed and adopted policies or ethnic or social exclusion, there are possibilities of violence or insurgency in the long run.

Human security is a vast field which can be divided into seven areas: economic security (freedom from poverty), food security (access to food), health security (access to health care and protection from diseases), environmental security (protection from the danger of environmental pollution), personal security (physical protection against torture, war, criminal attacks, domestic violence), community security (survival of traditional cultures and ethnic groups) and political security (civil and political rights, freedom from political oppression).

A historical view of the evolution of security

Looking through history’s eyes, the idea of security first came to the lamplight in 1789 during the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, under article 2 which mentioned that: “The aim of every political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, security and resistance to oppression”.[2] This was a pure and clear expression of the human need for security. But this security was still under the banner of ‘national or state defense’ since their eyes were tilted toward any potential foreign enemy .It was clear that the state had to play its role in ensuring that safety. Though this declaration focused on state security, it was to inspire further policies that embraced a global scope.

From the Congress of Vienna of 1815 to the Hague conferences, many efforts were made at international level to reduce armament and maintain international security and cooperation. The world witnessed relative moments of peace but these peaceful moments were shattered when two of the bloodiest wars in human history, World War I and II cropped up.

When the dust of the wars settled, certain principles had to put in place to preserve the peace that reigned in the aftermath. Thus in 1945, the United Nations Organisation (UNO) was created with the principle aim being to: maintain international peace and security though collective efforts as expressed in article I of its first chapter.[3] In 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights inspired by the French Declaration of 1789, laid further emphasis on the issue of security in article 3 that: “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of persons”.[4] Thought the idea of security of persons was mentioned, it was however just on papers, since the central focus of many states remained on state security. As Espiell puts it, “the totally unacceptable concept of ‘national security’ … meant the security of the state against individuals, viz. not a human right but a right of the state”.[5]

Out of the notion of ‘national security’ came that of ‘international security’. International security which I consider to be a cousin to the old idea of balance of power came up fully to set a new order in the world especially after the two World Wars. It is good to recall that the idea of balance of power received its first official slap on the face with the failure of the World Disarmament Conference of 1932.When Hitler’s demand for “immediate equality of armed strength with other nations” was turned down, Germany withdrew from the League of Nations[6] and that set the pace for another great war. The League was a crippled child from birth and this was because of America’s absence, meanwhile the other states in Europe either were too confused on the manner in which the League was to work, or too powerless to act or too concerned with tapping reparations from Hitler’s Germany. Wilson, the genitor of the idea of the League was refused permission to include America in the scheme by the American Congress. With the failure to balance the power and to disarm, the world witnessed another great war in 1939.The security of world was at stake with this idea of balance of power. Hence, its replacement was very necessary. This idea of international security was thus founded on the state and individual desire to be free from any risk of aggression or attack and in the phase of that, to expect support from other nations acting under international agreements and rules. Thus there was a straight and landmark shift from the old idea of balance of power to that of collective security as promoted both by the defunct League of Nations and the present UNO.

The shifting point in the concept of security

The end of the Cold War shaped the face of security. The disintegration of the Soviet Union gave credence to monopoly instead of bipolarity. The world witnessed a new world order being put in place. The great euphoria and hope that animated the minds of many in the folklore of international politics, following this new dawn was however short lived. This was because, though the great threat of another World War was over, things took a new shift with the advent of what Mary Kaldor has termed “new wars”.[7] This shift was marked by an increase not in conflicts between states but within states. Thus, the end of the East-West tension marked a new turning point in world security politics. What therefore is this new security shift is what the following paragraphs will be seeking to answer?

Tendencies or proponents in the new concept of security

Scholarly discussions over this new concept have led to the development of two approaches - the “narrow” and “broad” approaches.

The narrow approach of human security

The “narrow approach” concentrates on internal violence and its impact on individual lives. In recent times, there has been more intrastate violence, claiming more lives than interstate violence. It is true, the world has witnessed manifold of conflicts in the past. In an extrapolation by Wright, the world has witnessed about 200 world major wars between 1480 and 1941. Meanwhile Singer and Smalls estimate 93 world major wars from 1816- 1965. [8] The casualties in terms of human lost are equally breathe cutting. In World Wars I and II alone, in the time frame of less that ten years, over 60 million persons lost their lives. More than 8 million soldiers and 1 million civilians perished in WW I alone.[9] Today, the tides are changing and the world is experiencing a new phenomenon.

During the Cold War period, the super powers fought using satellite or proxy states. This strategy functioned by supplying the needed matching weapons either to cause a crisis or coup or to sustain existing ones. State or ‘national security’ at this point was the first item on most state menu. This war had great repercussions especially in Africa. At the end of the war, gargantuan quantities of light weapons and small arms that were stocked in proxy states began circulating freely in the continent without much control. The huge presence of the famous AK 47 helped in fuelling present day intrastate conflicts. This explains partly the shift in the concept of security from a politico-military viewpoint. To better understand this point I am making here, it will be good to cite a few structural causes of most internal conflicts .Internal conflicts especially in Africa are causes inter alia by:
Ø Increased ethnic, cultural, religious, gender and political differences;

Ø Arms circulation amongst the population groups, leading to banditry and
terrorism;

Ø Coups d’états;

Ø Social injustice, intense desires for democratic succession and power
sharing;[10]

It would be good to delay a little bit on this last point by emphasising that the persistence of this situation within a state without quick remedy may lead to physical violence and to a larger extent an open bloody conflict. Corruption and the uneven distribution of wealth as well as the marginalisation of a fraction of the population often considered as minority only helps to fan the flames of discord and anger. This is most often helped by the easy militarization of the population due to the government’s incapacity to monitor and control its borders to limit weapons proliferation. With the failure of dictatorship and its inability to provide effective democratic policies to meet the needs of the masses, the gun seems to be the only way to ‘possess one’s possession’ and ensure direct power sharing. This has led to the rise of dissident rebel groups, organised under a charismatic leader or warlords who controls a well defined area and claims to fight for the good of the masses. Their presence only helps to cause many more untold sufferings by the civilian population who is usually trapped in the scene and most often, as new statistics demonstrates, pay the highest price for the power thirsty ambitions and struggles between the non-state (rebels) and state actors. The African continent is harbouring the highest number of crises, armed conflicts and humanitarian casualties.[11] Close to 32 wars have occurred in Africa between the period of 1960 and 1998. In these, more than 7 million civilians perished with more than 9 million more transformed into refugees and displaced.[12] In these new wars, the militias use tactics of terror, ethnic cleansing or genocide to achieve their political objectives and obtain wider attention to their gospel.

Internal violence now constitutes 95 percent of armed conflicts as revealed by the Human Security Report of 2005.[13] In the South Kivu, of the DR Congo for example, more than 27,000 cases of sexual violence reported in 2005 and 2006.[14] Still in the DR Congo, the political power plays between the central government of Joseph Kabila and those of rebel leader Laurent Nkunda; and the cultural dislocations disrupts the social equilibrium and the violence that simmers in North Kivu accounted for the death of 200 civilians, 150,000 displaced and more than 2,200 rapes in June 2008 alone (Congo Advocacy Coalition report).[15] In Sierra Leone, more than 4.5 million more were displaced and over 10.000 succumbed to gender-based violence like rape and other forms of ill treatment by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF).[16] These are the new security concerns which the international community has to deal with. What complicates the situation is definitely the non-adherence to and non- respect for articles 51 and 54 of Protocol 1 of the International Humanitarian Law which stipulates and prohibits: “…against direct attack or reprisal attacks on civilians, including those intended to spread terror against the population”.[17] Moreover, these wars receive sustainability from the diaspora and until the outside or third party achieves her interest, the conflict will continue despite wide diplomatic attempts at resolving it. Also, the conflicts are complicated and hard to resolve mostly in “failed states”, where the government democratic institutions and other mechanisms are broken down.

The broad approach of human security

According to the proponents of the “broad concept”, the scope of human security should be enlarged to cover other contemporary challenges facing humanity. This school of taught believe that security today should not be limited to curbing internal violence alone It should involve issues such as poverty, environmental degradation or climate change and disease. I believe that the present events in the world today will cause many to opt for this second view of human security. If we look at what is going on in the world today, one will notice that every human activity is interrelated and the least mistake or neglect in one sector will not only affect the other sector within that particular setting ,but have rippling international repercussions. There is need for states to work together in seeking a way for mankind’s survival, because in today’s security context, there is no more room for the “every-man-for-himself” attitude. Today, issues such as disasters, health degradation and poverty (hunger), kill faster and far more people than wars and genocides.
According to the International Monetary Fund, there has been a stark increase in the price of basic food commodities by more than 40 % in the last 12 months.[18] This had led to an unprecedented global food crisis which affects very much the poorest group of people in the world. The increase demand for food commodities from developing countries due to increased population and consumption and the high usage of crops for bio-fuels, increased cost of transportation inter alia are the causes of this new threat to human security.
If we realise that more than 3 billion people in the world live on less than 2 dollars a day and according the UNICEF, 26,500- 30,000 children worldwide die daily due to poverty, we should be able to understand the issues facing humanity. [19] This affects the health sector as many do have neither the means nor even access to health facilities and services. Diseases such as HIV/AIDS still kill millions of persons across the world. About 40 million are still infected and more than 3 million persons died in 2004 alone. There are close to 350-500 million cases of malaria, with fatalities of more than 1 million. This is more accentuated in developing countries .Africa and Asia suffers the greatest from these threats. Africa suffers at least 90 % of malaria death meanwhile over 80 % of the world’s malaria victims are African children. Access to clean water and sanitation facilities are equally a call for concern as close to 1.1 billion persons living in developing countries lack access to clean water and another 2.6 billion lack access to basic sanitation facilities.[20] Following the 2003 estimates by the United States Central Intelligence Agency, Cameroon harbours more than 560,000 people living with HIV/AIDS with a death toll of 49,000.[21] When we think that the backbone of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger by at least halve between 1990 and 2015 for both people living with less than one dollar a day and those suffering from hunger, and looking at the present state of events, one might be pessimistic about the success of this goal if nations don’t team up as one. It might be even be harder to achieve the other goals such as reducing child mortality (goal 4), improving maternal health (goal 5) and combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (goal 6) by 2015.
Another great security threat in recent times is the issue of global warming also called climate change. Climate change caused mainly due to the emission of greenhouse gases has been causing more devastation to humanity than most conflicts that have occurred in human history. Inappropriate and uncontrolled land use - irrigation, deforestation ands agriculture and livestock activities (deforestation to create grazing lands) have transformed the environment from a friend to a foe. This climate change phenomenon has had perceptible impacts so far such as: melting glaciers in many regions across the world, migration of animals and other species to more comfortable areas, rising sea levels which leads to unanticipated natural disasters. Talking about natural disasters immediately provokes “goose pimples” on one’s body. The ravages of floods, tsunamis, hurricanes and earthquakes to humanity are enormous. Millions of people have lost their lives in recently times to these natural hazards than they have lost to wars or genocides. For example, in 360 natural disasters were reported in 2004. Hurricane Ivan that hit Grenada in September 2004 caused the death of 39 people with over 60,000 others affected, out of a total population of 89,500 people. The “Indian Ocean tsunami” that hit Sri Lanka in December 2004 caused the death of over 30,000 people with over 1 million affected. More than 275,000 people died between 1994 and 2004 due to droughts and famines according to the World Disasters Report. More than 5 million more people have lost their lives to droughts in 2001, 2002 and 2005. [22] All of these disasters have had serious demographic impacts as well as setbacks on the development plans of the affected countries towards achieving the MDGs. Grenada lost more than US $900 million due to the damage with close to 4000 person unemployed, 91 % forest areas and 90 % cash crops destroyed, meanwhile Sri Lanka lost more than 400,000 jobs in fishing, hotel and tourism, and between US$1.3 and US$1.5 billion with a rise in the inflation rate from 12 % to 14 %.[23] These accounts for the rising food crisis that has affect the world lately and if strict and sustainable policy measures are not quickly put in place, the attainment of the MDGs will only be another fairy tale as funds will be diverted to heal the wounds caused by the disasters

The way forward

Recommendations to tackle domestic violence-related security threats:

Much needs to be done in order to deal with the threats in present day security. CSOs have a great deal of role to play, considering the fact that they are closer to the population and can better understand their expressed needs as well as the best working policies to be implemented by governments. Their role should however not replace but compliment government actions towards preventing and rebuilding the society. What should be done concretely both by governments and CSOs to tackle domestic violence - based security challenges in both conflict and post-conflict settings?
Ø There is need for joint actions towards seeking political and diplomatic
solutions to a conflict. All parties concerned, governments, rebel groups, CSOs and representatives of the affected population should be involved and the marginalisation of any one group may jeopardize the success of any peace process.

Ø The civil society should be empowered for effective advocacy .Considering their position in the society, they can best advocate for greater respect for human rights, gender equality, women involvement in peace processes, checking accountability and government transparency etc.
Ø Gender disparity should be addressed. Women suffer greatly during and after a conflict. Many are rape survivors, have lost their homes, belongings, family members and are forced to shoulder the responsibility of the household heads with little or no means. The mental distress and require serious psychological and psychosocial attention. These abused and affected women should be given the needed support and empowered for leadership in order to actively take part in the post conflict building plans through capacity building and other training programmes. They can best express the plights of other women and their experience can help give hope to the rest of the women in the community.
Ø Concrete and working economic plans that can provide green jobs to the population in general and to refugees and returnees in particular should be put in place. We all know that poverty and idleness is a breeding ground for violence. As stated in the 2004 Human Development Report that “war retards development, but conversely development retards war”, there is therefore the need for greater developmental plans of actions if we hope to reduce violent internal conflicts. Effective economies will the living standards of the population, literacy, access to clean water and reduce deaths related to non-access to health facilities. Poverty Reduction Strategic Plans (PRSP) should be put in place at local and national levels and since most states have weak economies to shoulder the cost of rebuilding the economic sector all alone, it takes a global response for this to be effective. Big multinational agencies should assist with the matching funds. The funding should be able to connect peace to development.
Ø Local governments also need to be trained on confidence – building strategies and to be able to use early-warning systems meanwhile CSOs monitor these systems.[24]

Recommendations to tackle threats related to climate change:

The role of CSOs at community and national level:

Ø CSOs can better play the part of distributing recovery needs to the affected communities.
Ø Community-based disaster prevention strategies tailored by and for the disaster-prone communities should be reinforced.
Ø CSOs should carry out research to better identify the risk-prone zones and inform the communities concerned of the dangers. This however should be backed by scientific approaches in terms of implementation. There may be a few obstacles to the success of these endeavours, like the lack of financial resources for proper risk-management; the lack of empowerment for proper implementation of these strategies such as resilience and health capacities inter alia, but actions must still be taken.[25]
Ø CSOs are better placed to sensitise and educate the communities on alternative lifestyles such as: burning of bush for increased fertility and water poisoning for greater cash in fishery.

Role of Governments and other stake holders at global level

Ø Scientists and other researchers have always faced the problem of communicating data to policy-makers, CSOs and even to local communities. Governments should ensure that the proper channelling mechanisms are put in place for access to findings on climate change. This will help a great deal to tackle the problems related to the phenomenon.
Ø Governments should place some conditions on business barons such as: imposing on them to send certain amounts of their revenue to support the sustainability of the environment, this by showing the example. Also more regulations should be imposed on forestry companies who cut the trees and don’t invest on replanting. It should be stressed here that deforestation caused over 20% global carbon emission meanwhile; valorising standing forest is cost effective in tackling climate change. According to Dr. Mark Collins, Director of Commonwealth Foundation, findings have shown that climate change constitutes the least of the priority of most UK companies and just 14% had a clear strategy to tackle it. The world highest polluter, USA is still intransigent to implement some of the strategic clauses of the Kyoto agreement, though not at national but state level (California).[26] There is need for some kind of environmental taxes in order to move forward in the fight.
Ø Governments should invest more on eco-technology. For example, wind farming which is cost effective, less polluting on the environment and produces better agricultural results should be encourages. Also, hybrid and electric vehicles – vehicles that can use electricity for a time and fuel for another time as found in the Philippines should be promoted.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this paper tried to show how the concept of security has changed or shifted from its traditional perception, to meet with contemporary challenges; moving from the protection of the ‘state’ to the protection of ‘individuals and communities’ coined under the new notion of ‘human security’. One can say without fear or favour today that war has become more specific and the casualties are more aggravated than in the past. When they occur, they sometimes are shorter and more severe. New wars have risen, occurring specifically within states and having as main victims the civilians. The violation of human rights, gender-based violence, humanitarian concerns and genocides are more costly in terms of human lost than the traditional wars. Moreover, there are also the new challenges affecting humanity today such as poverty, climate change and diseases which kill quicker and greater than wars .These are the recent security threats facing humanity and there is the great need to break apart the dichotomies between developed and developing countries , industrialised and non-industrialised, rich and poor in order to tackle these threats. It is time to understand the interdependence and mutual vulnerability in human security today. These threats constitute “humankind’s common heritage” and no single country no matter its strength and resources can survive the challenge individually. The world must stand together as one man and fight the good fight, erecting policies with global dimensions and implementing them continental, regional, national and local levels.

References

[1] Available on: https://www.3Dsecurity.org. Accessed on 12 June 2009.

[2] Gross, Espiell, “Universal international security and regional security” in Moufida G. (eds.), What Kind of Security? , Paris, UNESCO, 1998, p.55.

[3] United Nations, Charter of the United Nations, New York, United Nations Department of Public Information, December 2006, p.5.

[4] United Nations, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, New York, United Nations Department of Public Information, November 2006, p.5.

[5] Gross, Espiell, “Universal international security”, p.56.

[6] Richards, D. & Hunt J.W., An Illustrated History of Modern Britain 1783-1964, London, Longman Group Limited, p.278.

[7] Kaldor, M., Global Civil Society .An Answer to War, United Kingdom, Polity Press, 2003, p.119

[8] Beer, A. Francis, Peace against War. The ecology of international violence, San Francisco, W.H. Freeman and Company, 1981, pp.22-23.

[9] Ibid., P.36.

[10] United Nations, United Nations Concern for Peace and Security in Central Africa. Reference Document, New York, United Nations, 1997, p.97.

[11] Onwuka, O. Nkechi, “Civilian protection in African Peacekeeping: A gender perspective” in Chiyuka Aoi (eds.), Unintended consequences of peacekeeping operations, United Nations University Press, 2007, p.17.

[12] Ibid.

[13] “What is Human Security?”, Available at www.humansecuritycentre.org. Accessed on 15 October 2008.

[14]“What is Human Security?”, Available at www.humansecuritycentre.org .

[15] Raphael, Alison, “Congo violence continues, despite peace treaty”. Available at http://www.hsrgroup.org/ . Accessed on 15 October 2008.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid.

[18] “Global Food Crisis: You can help the hungry”. Available at www.projectconcern.org/. Accessed on 30 October 2008.

[19] Anup, Shah, Poverty facts and stats. Available at www.globalissues.org/TradeRelated/Facts.asp. Accessed on 30 October 2008.

[20] Anup, Shah, Poverty facts and stats.

[21] “Cameroon”. The World Factbook.United States Central Intelligence Agency. Available at www.cia.gov/library/publication/the-world-factbook/geos/cm.html. Accessed on 30 October 2008.

[22] Attzs, Marlene, “When all things are not equal: natural disasters and attainment of the MDGs” in Breaking with business as usual. Perspectives from the civil society in the Commonwealth on the Millennium Development Goals, London, Commonwealth Foundation, 2005, p.53.

[23] Ibid, p.54.

[24] Memunatu, P., “Conflict and the Millennium Development Goals” in Breaking with Business as Usual. Perspectives from the Civil Society in the Commonwealth on the Millennium Development Goals, London, Commonwealth Foundation, 2005, pp. 76 -79.

[25] Attzs, “When all things are not equal”, pp.58 -59.

[26] Collins, M., “ Climate Change in the Commonwealth: Vulnerability or Opportunity ”, paper presented at the Management Forum, British Council Learning and Information Centre Cameroon, 30 July 2008.

NB:This paper was first presented at the 4th Edition of the Cameroon Social Forum (FOSCAM) organised by the Federation of Cameroon Civil society Organisations on 25 November 2008. It was first posted on the Peace and Collaborative Development Network- available at :

The PRESBY Saga: When Youths Give in to Greed

Over the week-end, on Saturday 19 July, some “youths” of the so called PRESBY acronym for President Biya’s Youths, held a press conference in Yaounde, where they manifested their total and unconditional support to President Biya, requesting that he stands for president in 2011. They notified and assured the president of their desire and capacity to pay the caution of one million CFA francs that each presidential candidate is required to deposit; while at the same time galvanising the youths to join in the move.

It is not surprising to witness such sycophantic and egocentric actions full of calumny, at this critical period in Cameroon where rising youth unemployment and abject poverty is the order of the day. While respecting their views and position, given that we are in a democratic country, I however will not reserve my criticisms. It will be plausible to reiterate here that the position of these youths is in no way a mirror reflection of the opinion of rest of the youths in Cameroon. The events that marked Cameroon in February 2008 can best justify the fact that the majority of youths in Cameroon from the onset where against Biya’s Constitutional amendment plans and are still against his standing for president after the end of his present mandate in 2010. As a matter of fact, PRESBY represents the sole interest of its membership. One can smell the desire of a group of callous individuals to enrich themselves while hiding under the cover of “youths”. When the youths took to the streets in February 2008 for a genuine cause, the government tagged them with “manipulation” etiquettes; claiming that they were under the influence of the opposition parties, particularly the SDF. No one seems to complain now when some so called “youths” of President Biya are being used for the CPDM party’s political propaganda. This in my opinion is real manipulation of the youths.

The ‘seek ye first the attention and favour of Biya and his collaborators and all other things shall be added unto to you’ syndrome that characterises the Cameroonian job sector seems to have caught a fraction of the Cameroonian youths .It is a hidden secret to nobody that while the hand that gives direct the receiver; a mouth that is well fed will always reverence the name of its supplier.
How can PRESBY represent the voice for the youths of Cameroon when internally it is torn apart by conflicts of interests, with one faction under the helm of Philemon Cham Cham and another faction under Paul Ngam, both claiming leadership of the movement? One should doubt if the movement will not crumble like packs of cards once the economic interests of the leaders are achieved. A house that is divided cannot stand, goes the adage.

It is such a shame to hear that PRESBY proposes to pay for Biya’s caution. If they have succeeded over the years to make so much money (since they operate within a vicious circle called la mangoire), they will do well to the nation if they use the one million caution and more to create jobs that will benefit the real youths of Cameroon who keep wasting in squatter camps with diplomas in their pockets.
Coming at a time when analysis have identified some danger signals with very high probabilities of a conflict occurring in Cameroon if Biya stands for president after 2010; PRESBY should be very careful about what they are asking for. I have written an analytical paper on a possible conflict in Cameroon, summaries of which I will soon publish on this network. The risks of a conflict occurring in Cameroon are very real and great precaution is needed for it to be averted.
Let not greed and personal gain seeking cause these “youths” to trade and sacrifice the future of the next generation for some millions of CFA francs and political positions. President Biya has done his time, we thank him for his service to the nation, but I believe the youths of Cameroon will like to see some other person lead this country and break the 27 years of monotony. May the Almighty God guide and protect Cameroon, our lovely and richly endowed nation.

August 12, 2009

When the Dysfunction Becomes the Function.The Impacts on the Third Republic

In the long cycle of Cameroon’s history, it has moved from free democracy (pre- independence period) to dictatorship (post-independence, first republic), to forceful democracy, advanced dictatorship and kleptocracy (second republic under Biya).

In most of president Biya’s end of year, new year and national day celebration messages to the nation, Cameroonians have been called upon to be and remain patriotic, especially during challenging moments. While the call for patriotism is very powerful, essential and necessary for our nation’s building, it would be plausible to question if our elite who ought to show the example, really practice what they preach. There is a form of caricature governing in Cameroon which has in the long run made the dysfunction to become the function and the abnormal to look like the normal.

Cameroonians have for more than 20 years been under the charm of political deceit and dishonesty. From the high level of government to the lowest, political power-play, power mongering and “gangsterism” has grossly affected different sectors of the country. The personal rule system that characterises the Biya regime is problematic. Personal rule is a system of government where all power and decisions rest on the leader (president) regardless of existing laws and institutions given that they can be changed and deformed at the leader’s will. In Cameroon, Biya has full control over the executive, legislative and judiciary and is commander in chief of the army and police. This form of plein pouvoir has been the stepping stone to the monopoly and dictatorship under which Cameroon is harboured. In April 2008, Biya revised the Constitution of 1996 in order to have an unlimited mandate and eternalise himself in power.

Moreover, the government of Biya had greatly contributed to the deepening of malpractices into the fabrics of the society. Most of the CPDM appointed elites (ministers and general managers) have demonstrated real unpatriotic examples to many Cameroonians. Extortion of public funds and corruption had become the order of the day. Billions of CFA frs are embezzled and stocked in foreign banks to the detriment of the country’s economy. To get documents and files treated on time in some public offices requires that one “gives something”. Civil servants ask for or get bribed for jobs they are employed and paid for. Cameroon has become such that, meritocracy has been replaced by mediocrity and in order to succeed in any public competitive exam such as ENAM, ENS, Polytechnic or CUSS, what matters is not “how much you know” but rather, “how much you have”. This crippling disease which is still regarded as a misdemeanour is exacerbated by the impunity that accompanies it. Big or privileged thieves who play the regime’s game and fulfil the CPDM party’s demands, freely parade our cities with eye-catching, expensive and flashy cars and either get promoted for their services rendered to the party or are switched to manage other ministerial portfolios.

Since the presidential elections of October 1992, elections in Cameroon have never been free and fair; marked by mass rigging, intimidation, deceit and coercion. The organisation and management has all along been under the armpit of CPDM dominated bodies; from the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation to the National Election Observatory (NEO known in French by its acronym ONEL). This state of affairs has led to a mood of frustration, voter apathy and withdrawal from electoral participation. After more than 25 years of democracy-hijack, the government under intense internal (opposition parties) and international (Common Wealth, US embassy) pressure finally decided to set up the much demanded “Independent Electoral Commission”. On 29 December 2006, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) was created by law as an independent commission. Following section 8 (2) of the law of creation, “members of the electoral board shall be designated from the midst of independent personalities of Cameroonian nationality , reputed for the stature, moral uprightness, intellectual honesty , patriotism, neutrality and impartiality”; while section 13(11) holds that “… the duties of chairperson and vice chair and members of the Electoral Board shall be incompatible with those of …members of a political party or support group of a political party, list of candidates or candidates”. There is no denying the fact that Cameroon has one of the best laws in Africa but its applicability is often where the problem lies. Despite these powerful legal dispositions, the president of the republic on 30th December 2008 went on to appoint an arsenal of CPDM party members with doubtful morality and integrity to fill the membership of ELECAM (9 out of the 12 appointed ELECAM members). By appointing staunch CPDM central committee party members and supporters like Fonkam Azu’u as chairperson and Dorothy Njeuma in to the membership, Biya is trying to safeguard his power-grip. A change of dancers and uniforms (NEO to ELECAM) but the same music. With this state of affairs, most political parties, led by the SDF have declared that they will not partake in any elections organised by a CPDM party dominated electoral body.

Thanks to the personal rule system, the president reserved for himself the right to appoint members of what is supposed to be an independent electoral Commission. With such powers, Biya could not be stupid or foolish to appoint his regime opponents in to a body like ELECAM, thereby sapping his political plans. In a democracy, the power to appoint members of an independent electoral commission had to rest with the civil society (especially the ecumenical bloc) after serious scrutiny, with parliament (an independent one) ratifying and promulgating it into law. This would ensure its complete disconnection and freedom from government influence. This unlawful and unpatriotic gesture by the president has only helped to aggravate the voter apathy and resignation attitude that is entrenched amongst Cameroonians.

It has long been hoped by many Cameroonians that Biya will leave power at the expiration of his presidential mandate in 2010, but the Constitutional amendment of 2008 and the present atmosphere which shows no signs of withdrawal renders many even more frustrated. However, some Cameroonians are still hopeful that someday, a change will come and a third republic (regime) will be set up. The question one asks himself is whether the future third republic which will be put in place after Biya will be very different from the present one?

I am afraid to say that there will be differences but not too great. The malpractices of the present republic are so deeply rooted into Cameroonians and the Cameroonian society to the extent that they have become normal, “politically correct” and part and parcel of daily life. They have even permeated some religious bodies. The worse affected group is the youths, often referred to as the leaders of tomorrow, who have learned to compromise their moral rectitude into to survive. Many are forced to bribe in order to get a job for which they are qualified and competent. Girls have to sacrifice their integrity and female dignity in order to satisfy the exigencies of sexually harassing bosses just to maintain their positions.

The growing and almost frequent police repressions and brutality in Cameroon has led to a culture of fear amongst many young people. It becomes sometimes almost difficult for some young people to remain comfortable when one or a group of uniformed men pass by. The culture of impunity and selected justice for thieves and embezzlers that characterises the regime has made young Cameroonians to take the law in their hands when it comes to rendering criminal justice. This had led to a new phenomenon known as jungle or mob justice where any criminal that is apprehended by the masses is either burned alive or stoned and beaten to death. This reminds me of the interahamwe militia in Rwanda in 1994 who butchered their fellow brothers to death as a way of re-instituting political justice in the country (regain power). The situation is so appalling that it got a wise man questioning the kind of generation the present regime is raising, by allowing such inhumane actions to persist because of apathy by state officials to step up justice in Cameroon?

Impunity has helped to promote “unethical” (as far as Africans are concerned) behaviours like homosexuality which is supposed to be punishable by Cameroonian law (section 347 b of the penal code). In addition, it is now commonplace in the streets of our cities and country sides to see children ask for motivation (bribe) before they can provide any information or directives to a new person in town, or do a favour to an elderly person. Youths in colleges and higher institutions have copied so much from their leaders (elites) that simple elections to occupy student positions are flooded with irregularities; sweets and candies being distributed to mates in order to win their votes ( just as politicians do during campaigns). Some who occupy positions as financial secretaries and treasurers have copied the attitude of running away with funds belonging to local groups and associations to which they belong. It just denotes what will happen when some get to occupy political positions in future governments.

There is no gainsaying that most youths who have succeeded to trick their ways through corruption into lucrative professional schools like ENAM (National School of Administration and Magistracy) will be replicates of their predecessors upon completion and posting. Since some parents had to get indebted, selling plots and other properties, or sacrificing the education of younger off springs in order to raise the millions needed for “back door” entrance into these institutions; it is expected that once posted, they raise (by embezzling) and pay back the money that was borrowed on their behalf . This can also have a domino effect even on their colleagues who may see embezzlement as a faster way of meeting the growing needs of younger ones in particular and families in general. It therefore leads to a cycle of corruption and embezzlement in the Cameroon system from elites to youths.

There is a saying that: if all you have is a hammer, everything to you becomes a nail; let’s hope that the next republic does not simply become a facsimile of the present one, which is responsible for the misery and frustration of many Cameroonians today.

Cameroon’s Caricature Governing and the Impacts on the Third Republic

“O Cameroon, thou cradle of our fathers….” is the beginning of a long stretch of patriotic calls to all sons and daughters of this richly endowed, strategically placed and divinely favoured country called Cameroon. An outsider who reads through these lines might think that the average Cameroonian citizen has a very high standard of living. Paradoxically, many are unable to afford a daily three square meal; rather, it is by divine grace that a cross-section can get two meals in a day. WHAT is wrong and WHERE?
The problem is at the level of the ruling elite of Cameroon (WHAT) and the way they govern the country (WHERE). In the long cycle of Cameroon’s history, it has moved from free democracy (pre- independence period) to dictatorship (post-independence, first republic), to forceful democracy, advanced dictatorship and kleptocracy (second republic under Biya).
In most of president Biya’s end of year, new year and national day celebration messages to the nation, Cameroonians have been called upon to be and remain patriotic, especially during challenging moments. While the call for patriotism is very powerful, essential and necessary for our nation’s building, it would be plausible to question if our elite who ought to show the example, really practice what they preach. There is a form of caricature governing in Cameroon which has in the long run made the dysfunction to become the function and the abnormal to look like the normal.

Cameroonians have for more than 20 years been under the charm of political deceit and dishonesty. From the high level of government to the lowest, political power-play, power mongering and “gangsterism” has grossly affected different sectors of the country. The personal rule system that characterises the Biya regime is problematic. Personal rule is a system of government where all power and decisions rest on the leader (president) regardless of existing laws and institutions given that they can be changed and deformed at the leader’s will. In Cameroon, Biya has full control over the executive, legislative and judiciary and is commander in chief of the army and police. This form of plein pouvoir has been the stepping stone to the monopoly and dictatorship under which Cameroon is harboured. In April 2008, Biya revised the Constitution of 1996 in order to have an unlimited mandate and eternalise himself in power.

Moreover, the government of Biya had greatly contributed to the deepening of malpractices into the fabrics of the society. Most of the CPDM appointed elites (ministers and general managers) have demonstrated real unpatriotic examples to many Cameroonians. Extortion of public funds and corruption had become the order of the day. Billions of CFA frs are embezzled and stocked in foreign banks to the detriment of the country’s economy. To get documents and files treated on time in some public offices requires that one “gives something”. Civil servants ask for or get bribed for jobs they are employed and paid for. Cameroon has become such that, meritocracy has been replaced by mediocrity and in order to succeed in any public competitive exam such as ENAM, ENS, Polytechnic or CUSS, what matters is not “how much you know” but rather, “how much you have”. This crippling disease which is still regarded as a misdemeanour is exacerbated by the impunity that accompanies it. Big or privileged thieves who play the regime’s game and fulfil the CPDM party’s demands, freely parade our cities with eye-catching, expensive and flashy cars and either get promoted for their services rendered to the party or are switched to manage other ministerial portfolios.
Since the presidential elections of October 1992, elections in Cameroon have never been free and fair; marked by mass rigging, intimidation, deceit and coercion. The organisation and management has all along been under the armpit of CPDM dominated bodies; from the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation to the National Election Observatory (NEO known in French by its acronym ONEL). This state of affairs has led to a mood of frustration, voter apathy and withdrawal from electoral participation. After more than 25 years of democracy-hijack, the government under intense internal (opposition parties) and international (Common Wealth, US embassy) pressure finally decided to set up the much demanded “Independent Electoral Commission”. On 29 December 2006, Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) was created by law as an independent commission. Following section 8 (2) of the law of creation, “members of the electoral board shall be designated from the midst of independent personalities of Cameroonian nationality , reputed for the stature, moral uprightness, intellectual honesty , patriotism, neutrality and impartiality”; while section 13(11) holds that “… the duties of chairperson and vice chair and members of the Electoral Board shall be incompatible with those of …members of a political party or support group of a political party, list of candidates or candidates”. There is no denying the fact that Cameroon has one of the best laws in Africa but its applicability is often where the problem lies. Despite these powerful legal dispositions, the president of the republic on 30th December 2008 went on to appoint an arsenal of CPDM party members with doubtful morality and integrity to fill the membership of ELECAM (9 out of the 12 appointed ELECAM members). By appointing staunch CPDM central committee party members and supporters like Fonkam Azu’u as chairperson and Dorothy Njeuma in to the membership, Biya is trying to safeguard his power-grip. A change of dancers and uniforms (NEO to ELECAM) but the same music. With this state of affairs, most political parties, led by the SDF have declared that they will not partake in any elections organised by a CPDM party dominated electoral body.
Thanks to the personal rule system, the president reserved for himself the right to appoint members of what is supposed to be an independent electoral Commission. With such powers, Biya could not be stupid or foolish to appoint his regime opponents in to a body like ELECAM, thereby sapping his political plans. In a democracy, the power to appoint members of an independent electoral commission had to rest with the civil society (especially the ecumenical bloc) after serious scrutiny, with parliament (an independent one) ratifying and promulgating it into law. This would ensure its complete disconnection and freedom from government influence. This unlawful and unpatriotic gesture by the president has only helped to aggravate the voter apathy and resignation attitude that is entrenched amongst Cameroonians.

It has long been hoped by many Cameroonians that Biya will leave power at the expiration of his presidential mandate in 2010, but the Constitutional amendment of 2008 and the present atmosphere which shows no signs of withdrawal renders many even more frustrated. However, some Cameroonians are still hopeful that someday, a change will come and a third republic (regime) will be set up. The question one asks himself is whether the future third republic which will be put in place after Biya will be very different from the present one?

I am afraid to say that there will be differences but not too great. The malpractices of the present republic are so deeply rooted into Cameroonians and the Cameroonian society to the extent that they have become normal, “politically correct” and part and parcel of daily life. They have even permeated some religious bodies. The worse affected group is the youths, often referred to as the leaders of tomorrow, who have learned to compromise their moral rectitude into to survive. Many are forced to bribe in order to get a job for which they are qualified and competent. Girls have to sacrifice their integrity and female dignity in order to satisfy the exigencies of sexually harassing bosses just to maintain their positions.

The growing and almost frequent police repressions and brutality in Cameroon has led to a culture of fear amongst many young people. It becomes sometimes almost difficult for some young people to remain comfortable when one or a group of uniformed men pass by. The culture of impunity and selected justice for thieves and embezzlers that characterises the regime has made young Cameroonians to take the law in their hands when it comes to rendering criminal justice. This had led to a new phenomenon known as jungle or mob justice where any criminal that is apprehended by the masses is either burned alive or stoned and beaten to death. This reminds me of the interahamwe militia in Rwanda in 1994 who butchered their fellow brothers to death as a way of re-instituting political justice in the country (regain power). The situation is so appalling that it got a wise man questioning the kind of generation the present regime is raising, by allowing such inhumane actions to persist because of apathy by state officials to step up justice in Cameroon?

Impunity has helped to promote “unethical” (as far as Africans are concerned) behaviours like homosexuality which is supposed to be punishable by Cameroonian law (section 347 b of the penal code). In addition, it is now commonplace in the streets of our cities and country sides to see children ask for motivation (bribe) before they can provide any information or directives to a new person in town, or do a favour to an elderly person. Youths in colleges and higher institutions have copied so much from their leaders (elites) that simple elections to occupy student positions are flooded with irregularities; sweets and candies being distributed to mates in order to win their votes ( just as politicians do during campaigns). Some who occupy positions as financial secretaries and treasurers have copied the attitude of running away with funds belonging to local groups and associations to which they belong. It just denotes what will happen when some get to occupy political positions in future governments.

There is no gainsaying that most youths who have succeeded to trick their ways through corruption into lucrative professional schools like ENAM (National School of Administration and Magistracy) will be replicates of their predecessors upon completion and posting. Since some parents had to get indebted, selling plots and other properties, or sacrificing the education of younger off springs in order to raise the millions needed for “back door” entrance into these institutions; it is expected that once posted, they raise (by embezzling) and pay back the money that was borrowed on their behalf . This can also have a domino effect even on their colleagues who may see embezzlement as a faster way of meeting the growing needs of younger ones in particular and families in general. It therefore leads to a cycle of corruption and embezzlement in the Cameroon system from elites to youths.

There is a saying that: if all you have is a hammer, everything to you becomes a nail; let’s hope that the next republic does not simply become a facsimile of the present one, which is responsible for the misery and frustration of many Cameroonians today.