Usurpation
of Power and the Marginalization of Southern Cameroonians
In part 2 of this series, I discussed how President
Ahidjo of French Cameroun meticulously destroyed the economic stability and
independence of the West Cameroon after independence. The economic plan was set
in motion to run parallel to his political agenda to usurp power and transform West
Cameroon into a mere region within La Republique. The first step in achieving that goal was by initiating a one
party system of government and centralizing power in Yaoundé through a
Constitutional revision in 1972. To
complete the annexation scheme, Ahidjo will then proceed with a silent but
tactical assimilation and marginalization of West Cameroon in to the French
system both politically and socio-culturally. This was the same tactic used by France to assimilate most of French Africa. President Ahidjo
undoubtedly considered himself superior and felt the need to reduce Southern
Cameroonians to the level of servitude and peasantry. Ahidjo did not just want
to be seen as the “father of the nation” but he wanted to be worshiped as a
demi-god. If fame, money and power
corrupts, then Ahidjo was definitely and absolutely exhibiting those symptoms. The following Paragraphs will place in historical context how Ahidjo
carried out this plan.
Hidden Constitutional
Agenda
The Foumban Constitutional
conference was the event marking the beginning of the loss Southern Cameroons
birth right. Ahidjo came to the meeting prepared to sell a well crafted plan designed to consolidate power and assert himself as the unique and
ultimate boss in the Federation. J.N. Foncha and the rest of the Southern Cameroon politicians did
not pay close attention to the draft constitution that the Ahidjo team brought
to the table. The clauses that dealt
with the federal administration were designed to annex and occupy West Cameroon
first by placing an occupational force on the ground to intimidate , coerce
and sway the people away from any thoughts of resistance. This explains why, as soon as the constitution was adopted and all the delegates
returned to their various constituencies, Ahidjo’s first actions was to use the powers conferred on him by the constitution. Ahidjo started passing
decrees that would tighten the political and administrative control of West
Cameroon. On December 1961 Ahidjo passed decree No. 61-DF-15 which divided the
federal republic into 6 regions. After dividing the federation into regions,
Ahidjo proceeded by placing each region under ruthless and
disrespectful francophone civil servants called Administrative Inspectors. They were appointed directly by the president
and were only answerable to him. The President gave them the power to use the
gendarmes and police force however they deemed fit to implement Ahidjo’s laws
and regulations and cement their authority in the regions. To make things worse
for West Cameroon, these Inspectors wielded more power than the Prime Minister
of West Cameroon. This was the first act that disregarded the Federation and
was a violation of the Federal Constitution of 1961 Article 47 which prohibited
any law or action that would change the Federal structure as a two-state
entity. Ahidjo never cared about the federal constitution as long as his
Machiavellian plan was in progress. West Cameroon was reduced from an equal status
State to a mere piece of pie out of 6 administrative regions. The Inspectors
treated West Cameroon officials with disregard and disrespect and instituted
terror on the people of Southern Cameroons. West Cameroon officials were
repeatedly stopped and illegally searched with no apology given. Even the
illiterate gendarmes and police were ruthless and acted with impunity as though
they were superior citizens.
In September of 1966, Ahidjo went
ahead and dissolved all existing political parties to form one party - the
Cameroon National Union (CNU). This was the birth of the one party rule in the
Federal Republic of Cameroon. Southern Cameroonians (West Cameroon) who have
been accustomed from birth to a system of democracy and freedom of speech were
dumbfounded by these new and strange French policies being imposed on them.
Little did they know it was just the beginning of a long nightmare. As if it
was not enough, Ahidjo in 1968 decided to appoint Solomon Tandeng Muna as the
new Vice President of the Federation and P.M of West Cameroon; replacing A.N
Jua without consulting with the Parliament as the law required. This was a show
of superiority and power against a community of law abiding citizens.
To make things worse, after successfully
subduing the region of West Cameroon through intimidation and military
occupation; Ahidjo proceeded to completely do away with the federation by
calling a referendum in 1972. This referendum was the official burying of the
federal system of government in place for a Unitary system of government.
Ahidjo’s justification for a unitary system of government was that
unification will bring about and promote national unity compared to a
federation which he stated was very divisive and costly to run. Thus, on 20 May
1972, through smear tactics and trickery, the referendum voted in favor of a
Unitary system of government. On
February 06 1972, decree DF 72-270 abolished all legislative, judiciary and
administrative institutions that represented the defunct federation.
The
Marginalization of Southern Cameroonians
Since joining La Republique du
Cameroun in 1961, Southern Cameroonians have been subjected to wanton discrimination
in all walks of life. Perceived as second class citizens by the Yaoundé regime,
sons and daughters of Southern Cameroons have been mocked at, and relegated to
positions of servitude for over 50 years.
Instances of discrimination and marginalization abound and it was only a
matter of time before the accumulated anger was to explode into a massive civil
unrest. After dismantling the Federation in 1972, the new president Paul Biya
(who took over Ahidjo in 1982) accomplished the goal of erasing the memories of a
Federation by changing the name from United Republic to the Republic of
Cameroon on February 4, 1984. By
reverting to their pre-independence name, with Southern Cameroons as two of its provinces, symbolized the completion of the annexation process. Also, the regime gradually erased the meaning of 11 February which was the Plebiscite day to stand for Youth Day in Cameroon. Children growing up were brainwashed to feeling that it was a day for young people, not knowing the full implication of the memorable event that took place that day.
The Southern Cameroons (West
Cameroon) is a unique entity in the nation-state called Cameroon. It has
well-defined boundary lines which border Nigeria to the West and La Republique
u Cameroun to the East. The territory is 43,000 square kilometers and harbors a
distinct and culturally brilliant population of 5 million inhabitants. Southern
Cameroon is only about 20 % of the approximately 30 million people in Cameroon
and it occupies two (2) of the 10 regions (Northwest and Southwest). Despite its size, Southern Cameroons is still
more populated than 60 United Nations countries and 18 African Union Member
states. We shall look at some of the instances of marginalization of Southern
Cameroonians to make a strong case for the need to either restore the two-state
Federation that existed in 1961 or to obtain full and unconditional separation
and independence.
·
Balkanization of the Southern Cameroons. The Southern Cameroons gained independence as a single
entity known as West Cameroon, comprising of the Northwest and Southwest
regions. The regime in an effort to
implement the old “divide and rule” strategy decided to break down the Southern
Cameroons into two parts (Northwest and Southwest regions); thereby fragmenting
what was formerly an independent state into mere provinces within La
Republique. There were even plans to further erase every iota of Anglophone
culture by merging the Northwest region with the Western province and the
Southwest Province with the Littoral province. The ultimate goal of it all was
to further assimilate Southern Cameroonians into becoming French men and women
and obliterating the ideas of a once independent state of Southern Cameroons
from the memories of Southern Cameroonians.
·
Affiliations: Before
independence, Southern Cameroonians used the Nigerian Pound as legal tender
since it was being administered from Nigeria. In 1962, Ahidjo decided to
replace the Pound with the Communauté Financière Africaine -CFA Franc- (African
Financial Community) which is tied to the French treasury in France. It is good to recall here that the CFA Franc
was created on 26 December 1945 because of the weakness of the French Franc
after the Second World War. The French Franc was devalued and was on life
support. France could not compete with the US dollar in terms of exchange rate.
They then created the CFA Franc for their colonies in order to get out of the devaluation
and facilitate export of products to France. From 1945 to 1958, the currency
was called
Colonies
Françaises d'Afrique (French colonies of Africa). How can Africans continue to
use a currency which symbolizes the old system of oppression and colonialism? See
the following article for more.
Inclusion
into the French currency was done without consultation with the West Cameroon
leaders. Even more worrisome is the fact that, the CFA Franc does not have a
single English word on it. It is completely and entirely written in French, in
total disregard for the Anglophone community living in Cameroun. Ahidjo went
further to change the traffic in West Cameroon, compelling Southern
Cameroonians to drive on the right-hand side of the road as was practiced in
French Cameroon. To further isolate West Cameroonians from the Anglo Saxon
world, Ahidjo terminated West Cameroons ties to the Common Wealth Community and
the Sterlin Bloc; in total violation of the Federal agreement prior to
independence. Being out of the Commonwealth meant the loss of certain
privileges for the West Cameroons such as preferential export of her cash crops
to Commonwealth member states. Ahidjo however maintained his ties to France and
the Francophonie. It was not until later that Cameroon was readmitted back
into Commonwealth in 1995.
·
Administrative Positions. Since
independence, Southern Cameroonians have not been represented at equal
proportion in key administrative areas of government and even when they
miraculously do, they are usually subordinates and support staff. Even at the
top levels, no Southern Cameroonian has ever occupied the post of President of the Republic in 54 years of the failed union. The position of Vice President of the Federation (during the
federal system) and the current the position of Prime Minister Head of
government (under the current Republic) are merely figurative titles with no
real power. Even the Secretary General at the Presidency who is beneath the
Prime Minister (occupied by a Francophone) in the current dispensation wields
more power than the Prime Minister himself.
For
over 50 years since independence, no Southern Cameroonian has ever headed key
ministries such as: Foreign Affairs, Defense, Finance, Territorial
Administration, Education, Commerce, General Manager of SONARA company
exploiting oil in Southern Cameroons soil) and Industrial Development.
The
Cameroon based newspaper The Guardian
in its issue No 1068 of December 02, 2016 published some hard facts about the
discrimination of Southern Cameroonians in the area of appointments.
1. No Southern Cameroonian
There are only 6 Southern Cameroonians in the current 63 member government under President Biya.
There are only 6 Southern Cameroonians in the current 63 member government under President Biya.
2.
There have only been 76 Southern Cameroonians out of the 700 ministers that
President Biya ever appointed since taking power 34 years ago.
3.
Out of 130 General Managers of State
Corporations, only about 15 Southern Cameroonians ever occupied the position.
4.
Out of 130 Board Chairmen of State
Corporations, only about 10 Southern Cameroonians ever occupied the position.
5.
No Anglophone ever occupied the
position of Secretary General at the Presidency.
6.
There is no Anglophone on the board
of the Douala Stock Exchange.
7.
Only 4 Anglophones were ever
appointed Secretary General in 34 existing ministries of the republic in 34
years.
8.
There is only one (1) Anglophone
Minister with portfolio out of 38 Ministers.
9.
There are only 6 Anglophones in the
over 36 Cameroon Embassies overseas.
10.
There are only 6 Anglophones in
Biya’s current 63 member government.
11.
There are only 3 Anglophone Army
Generals out of 33 Generals. Until
recently, the army did not permit to have more than 2 Anglophone Generals at
the same time.
This chart shows the level of marginalization of Southern Cameroonians in different sectors of Public and Academic life. |
· Academic Sector:
Professional
Institutions: The systematic discrimination of
Anglophones in most if not all national entrance exams in to professional
schools and higher learning institutions is appalling. The exams are set by
Francophone and a certain percentage of seats are preserved for privileged
Francophone candidates while Anglophone candidates have to sweat and toil to
fit in. Often times, even when an Anglophone performs extraordinarily well,
he/she has to bribe the person handling admissions in order to occupy the seat
which he/she rightfully earned. Professional
schools where these malpractices and marginalization occur the most include the
most coveted National School of Administration and Magistracy (ENAM), the
School of Post and Telecommunication and International Relations institute of
Cameroon (IRIC) and Higher Teachers’ Training College. The French
administration is well known for its corruption and it has allowed the gangrene
to eat deep within the fabrics of the system. Finding meritocracy in Cameroun is
like looking for shooting stars in broad daylight. After passing an entrance
exam, Anglophone students have to return home and beg their poor parents to
sell all proceeds from their harvest just to raise money for their children to
take to Yaoundé and bribe the officials.
Francophone officials handling the candidate files will openly and
shameless ask you “Ou est ma biere? (Where is my beer?). In French Cameroon
terms, that statement requires money to exchange hands and if you mistakenly
buy and offer a physical beer, you risk losing your spot. This gross marginalization may be the explanation as to why
there are very few Anglophones in top administrative, ministerial and other high positions in the
government of La Republique.
University
Institutions: There is a raving
dysfunction and lack of continuity in the educational cycle starting from the primary to the secondary all the way to higher education in Cameroon. An Anglophone student who has been accustomed to the Anglo Saxon
system of education most of his/her life is bound to encounter a huge huddle if he/she decides to pursue a major that is
only offered in the Universities of Yaoundé I (Ngoa Ekelle ) or Yaoundé II
(Soa). These so called "bilingual" universities ironically offer 75 percent of classes in
the French language. Many Anglophones have to rush left and right looking for translated
copies of lectures which most times are poorly done by fellow students. Studying
in such conditions just sets the premise for academic mediocrity and failure in
the long run. I have witnessed this first hand during my experience as a History
major student at the University of Yaoundé I. Fortunately for me, I grew up in
different Francophone zones like Douala and Ngaoundere and my “yeye”
French helped me survive that experience. I even took it upon myself to
translate most of the lectures in English and I organized study groups to
help my fellow Anglophone kin who knew no iota of French because they had lived most of their life either in the Northwest and Southwest regions.
This institutional discrimination is not unique to the University of Yaoundé alone because its vestiges can be seen in the universities of Douala,
Dshang and Ngaoundere. No wonder why many Anglophone students who
are fortunate enough to afford the cost, choose to travel overseas to countries
such as the USA and United Kingdom to pursue their studies. Upon returning back
to Cameroon after achieving great academic laurels abroad, it gets even harder
fitting in or finding a job in a highly “Francophonized” system like Cameroun which barely recognizes foreign Anglo-saxon diplomas. One is forced to either bribe his/her way to get the degree evaluated and approved or wallow in very populated community of job seekers often affectionately called " Chomencam".. This frustrating picture is just a tip of the
iceberg of what Southern Cameroonians face an "annexed" people in Cameroun. In the end, many Anglophones have resorted to learning and mastering the French Language and some even go as far as hiding their Southern Cameroonian identity just to blend and fit into the French system.Acts like this abound especially in Yaounde and Douala and this is why the Anglophone culture is slowly being extinct. This is the real manifestation of ASSIMILATION as wished by the French dominated ruling elite in Cameroun.
The ‘Francophonization’ of the Anglo Saxon educational system
is another major problem. This is evident by the deliberate influx of French speaking teachers and administrators (who have no real understanding of the people's culture ) into the Anglo Saxon system. When Anglophone students are taught by incompetent
French-trained teachers, the standard is lowered and the level of mediocrity is
multiplied and spread like bad news.
In addition, how can one explain the fact that out of the two higher Teachers
Training colleges that existed with equal status (Bambili and Yaoundé); the
regime was able to manipulate its way into maintaining the one in Yaoundé as
the higher institution and the one in Bamenda became an Annex? The same goes
for the Schools of Post and Telecommunication in Buea and Yaoundé. The one in
Buea became an Annex to Yaoundé. The number of Southern Cameroonians admitted into these schools speak for itself as seen below.
1.
Out of about100 student teachers in
the Higher Teachers Training College Annex in Bambili, 80 are Francophone.
2.
Out of the approximately 162 students
admitted in the school of Post and Telecommunication in Buea, almost all are
from French Cameroon and the language of study is French, with Francophone
teachers. Abominable to say the least.
3.
The same goes for the school of
Public Works in Buea, where out of a population of 200, only about 27 are from
the North and South West regions combined.
These Francophone administrators appointed in Southern
Cameroon regions exhibit a certain cavalier attitude in the fulfilment of their
duties. This comes with a side dish of arrogance, disrespect for our brothers
and sisters (who cannot tag along in French) and a feeling of superiority.
These are attitudes that are completely strange to the common cultural Anglophone
man who was raised to treat others with respect.
Socio-cultural and Linguistic marginalization: Anglophones are perceived and referred to with derogatory names such as “fools” “foolish” “stupid” by the majority of Francophone, even those with no education. In fact, Anglophones are looked upon as second class citizens, foreigners and sometimes enemies and this perception is accompanied by well-known labels such as “Anglo fool”, “Biafra”, “enemies dans la maison" (enemy in the house as one Francophone Minister once shameless uttered) and recently “Boko Haram”.
- Official communiques are first released in French and the English version (often very poorly translated) comes out later. Even the National Radio and Television (CRTV) does 80% of its programs in French. Almost all cartoons, movies and shows are in the French language . Yes indeed, French has been pushed down the throat of Southern Cameroonians like a bitter pill that one must take if he/she wants to stay alive.
- Francophone Officials from the head of state to the janitor sweeping the floor does not make the least effort to learn English. The Presidents past and present have set the bad tone by never making a single full speech in English. This example has been replicated in the nooks and crannies of the republic even in the heart of the Southern Cameroons.
Law and Order Sector
Francophone senior officials appointed in the Northwest and Southwest
regions find it right to express themselves in court houses and other
government offices in French and expect old folks to understand. The closest
some can get to the English language after years of working in these regions is
“pidgin” English. Even the language of
the military is French and the military tribunals in the Anglophone regions are
tailored to the Francophone system. This means that Anglophones serving in the
military have to forcefully learn French if they want to succeed or even move
up the ranks.
To add pain to the injury, it has been painfully noticed
that most of the judges and Magistrates appointed in Common law Anglophone
regions are from French Cameroun with Civil law training. How this correlate in
practice is another issue. This problem has long been decried by common law lawyers
but their cries fell on deaf ears.
Infrastructure:
Southern Cameroons before independence could brag of its
multiple seaports and air strips including an international airport in Tiko. Today,
there is not a single functioning seaport or airport in the entire Southern
Cameroons region. I covered this extensively in part two of this series.
In addition, there has been a total neglect of the Southern
Cameroons in terms of road networks and infrastructures. Prior to independence,
the Southern Cameroon government built very good all-season roads and the
Public Works Development (PWD) ensured their maintenance and integrity. After
independence, the government of La Republique has not added any considerable stretch
to what already existed. Instead, they assign millions of CFA Franc road
construction contracts to their Francophone cronies to do mediocre road works. Till
date, there is still no direct road linking the Northwest to Southwest without
passing through La Republique (Douala-Bafoussam). This is a direct ploy to keep
the region divided. The few instances where the regime built roads in
Southern Cameroons have been done because of economic interest. For example, the
road from the Mungo Bridge to Tiko, from Victoria to Idenau, and from Santa to
Bamenda were constructed to channel oil resources and cash crops from the
Southern Cameroons to La Republique. It is not until recently in 2016 that
reasonable but not laudable work began to be done on the Kumba – Mamfe roads.
The roads going to Nkambe are a complete disaster especially in the rainy
season meanwhile the much requested Ring Road in the Northwest is still a pipe dream.
Conclusion
It is impossible to draw a
conclusion on an ongoing issue as dynamic and deeply rooted as the Southern
Cameroons problem. The agglomeration of all the above mentioned events and
actions has reached a boiling point where Southern Cameroonians, fed up with an
unprofitable statusquo, are standing up as one to say “ENOUGH”. History can
testify to the fact that Southern Cameroonians have tried multiple times in the
past to seek solutions to their cry by calling for dialogues; but the regime of
La Republique completely ignored them. When
multiparty politics was adopted in the 1990s after heavy criticism of the one
party system initiated by President Ahidjo and extended by President Biya; Anglophone
Cameroonians saw it an avenue to topple the power grip of Yaoundé. One famous person of Anglophone origin at the
time who marked history was John Fru Ndi. He launched the main opposition party
Social Democratic Party (SDF) and entered the bid for president of the
Republic. President Biya through undemocratic means managed to rig the first
multiparty presidential elections of October 1992 and won. This was a highly
contested victory as international observers affirmed that it was flawed with
irregularities and that John Fru Ndi was the actual winner of the elections. This
killed the hopes that a change was going to come through the ballots and marked the beginning of revolutionary movements among Southern Cameroonians.
The All Anglophone Conferences: AAC 1 (April 2-3, 1993) that was held in Buea and AAC 2 (April 29th - 1st May, 1994)
that was held in Bamenda to discuss the future of Southern Cameroons were met
with heavy opposition from the Biya regime. The regime completely ignored calls
from Anglophone scholars and politicians for a return to the Federal system of
government. This era was also marked by the famous “Operation Ghost Town” where
streets were deserted. The army of occupation in the Anglophone regions of
Cameroon was impeccable with brutal tactics. Many Southern Cameroonians were jailed , others were killed and a handful of leaders took refuge abroad. It was like a country under siege. Anglophones were
treated like prisoners in their own country, amidst massive arrest and torture
of those opposed the regime. All these events paved the way for the creation of
the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) in 1995. The SCNC was created
out of the feeling of frustration in the way the regime handled the plight of
the marginalized Southern Cameroonians. The mission of the SCNC has been to use
“the force of argument” to restore the independence of the Southern Cameroons. The
regime has always denied the existence of an “Anglophone Problem” and shut down
all avenues for sincere and honest dialogue with Anglophone representatives.
They never saw the need to sit on a dialogue table with “second-class servants”
as they perceived Anglophones to be.
These grievances have built up to the point of no return.
Haven set the premise in Part I
and Part II as to how we got here as a people and the reasons for the current
civil protest in the Southern Cameroons (marginalization, discrimination and
annexation); the next part of this series will explore and dissect the current strike
action led by teachers and lawyers of the Southern Cameroons and propose a way
forward.
No comments:
Post a Comment