The Southern Cameroons Struggle. A Diplomatic Perspective

 

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The Southern Cameroons question is a complex one. It is not like other liberation struggles that have been recorded by history. It is unique in the sense that, it is not about obtaining self rule, but restoring it. Therefore, it must be analyzed using a different brand of lenses.

The restoration of the independence of Southern Cameroons from a diplomatic/political perspective will be achieved through a collective of  internal and external actions and efforts.

Am not gonna bore you or waste time  with  historical review cos we all know our true history by now. The only historical point I will allude to here is the 1953 event in Nigeria where our courageous MP'S walked out of the Eastern Regional House in Enugu Nigeria when they felt that their interest as a unique and soveriegn people was not guaranteed.

From this vantage point, let's break it down to its granularity by looking  at the respective inter and extra efforts but paying more attention to to the internal angle.

External Efforts and Actions:

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- Continuous pressure on foreign governments,   consulates, embassies and international bodies.

- Diplomatic missions to establish friendship and partnership with foreign governments.

- Continuous global protest actions to keep the Southern Cameroons question fresh and to remind  the world of the dire need to seek a solution before it degrades into either a genocide or a civil war which no one knows when it will end.

- The election of a PM with legitimacy, followed by the putting in place of a government which will represent the interests of the people of Southern Cameroons. 

-The declaration of the restoration of its Independence by the Southern Cameroons government.

- The creation,  formation and training of a legitimate army with the help of foreign friendly partners. If need be, the declaration of war against the aggressive and annexationist government of La Republique. Any declaration of war by the new Southern Cameroons government will be backed by international laws such as ascribed under Article 51 of the UN Charter. 

-The list of external actions is not exhaustive.

Internal Front - Home Front

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- Ghost Towns - civil disobedience 

-Boycott of all political parties operating in Southern Cameroons until we get to Buea and establish the rules and regulations of our new  democracy.

-Boycott of all "national" events and activities organized by La Republique.

- Boycott of all French products in the Southern Cameroons and ensuring that merchants and traders stop importing those products into our land.

-Boycott the payment of all forms of taxes. Taxation without representation was one of the major reasons for the American war of Independence against Britain in the 1776.

-Stopping the flow of our timber from Ndian and  black gold  from Victoria into La Republique. The  continuous exploitation of our natural  resources without development is an economic crime. When France and La Republique start loosing money and feeling the economic impact from our struggle, they will eventually either succumb to our demands, declare an open war which will put them in a very bad place internationally or  ask for the long awaited tripartite dialogue (Southern Cameroons, La Republique and a third party ).

The Leadership Vacuum in the Home front and the Return of Hon. Joseph Wirba: A Blessing or a Curse?

 

 

 

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I will keep this part brief and go straight to the point.

When the Consortium was outlawed and the leaders abducted and jailed while other went into hiding; it left a leadership impass in the home front. There was no powerful figure head to be the mouthpiece of the people in the home. Many turned to Pa Fru Ndi for leadership but quickly found out that the Chairman's agenda was geared  more towards  the  recuperation or alternation of power in La Republique than towards self government. 

When  Hon. Joseph Wirba erupted at the rostrum of the National parliament with fire and thunder, he set a new tone and sent shock waves down the spine of the oppressive regime. His further outings along side Mancho Bibixy in Kumbo (in complete defiance of the orders from the colonial slave not to proceed with the event ) reinvigorated the revolutionary spirit in all Southern Cameroonians. 

Fast forward, the regime saw the warrior MP from Nso as a gigantic threat and placed an order of arrest and possibly assasination on his head, forcing the MP to go into hiding and live to fight another day.

While on exile, the  honorable drafted a powerful letter in which he persuaded his fellow colleagues of the Parliament to withdraw from the  Parliament for the sake of the people. This clarion call fell on the deaf ears of his greedy and self-centered colleagues. 

While in exile, Hon. Wirba continued to follow the struggle and occasionally  wrote to the people via his Facebook account , condemning acts of violence and calling for unity. At some point, the honorable completely went MIA and incognito. Many wondered what had become of the honorable untill his recent reappearance in the very parliament where he made his name as  an unapologetic representative of the people.

Many have been quick to take to social media and question the freedom and ease with which the MP reappeared on the stage of the Parliament  without any government retribution. Rumor has it that the SDF party negotiated his immunity from arrest. Another rumor has it  that the MP from Nso is compromised and is in  bed with the regime because he used the term "West Cameroon " in his message which denotes his inclination to Federation and not independence.

My Observations

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It will be an act of ungratefullness, political dishonesty and blindness to quickly judge a man who fearlessly challenged the government and went into forced exile  for the sake of his people. Hon. Wirba could have ran to the US or other foreign embassy to seek political asylum like other leaders did in the past, but instead, he chose to return to the home front where the real battle is, to continue to fight for his people. Although no one knows where he was all these while, but my take is that Hon. Wirba came back to fill the leadership void in the homefront.

Diassecting His Message: The key Points 

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Hon. Wirba has not changed his core message. Before going into exile, he always referred to Southern Cameroons as "West Cameroon". Therefore, those saying he stands for Federation are not saying anything new. There are many Southern Cameroonians who stand for a two state Federation, so the honorable is no exeption. By the way, we've  seen many federalists cross the carpet over to independence recently.  So , we need to remain open minded and continue to win more souls into the independence side of the carpet with facts and force of arguement rather than insults , attacks and below the belt diatribes. In the end, whether we end up with a two state Federation with equal status or outright self autonomy, we can count it a win, cos we would have taken our people from a position of total servitude (under the present political structure) to that of recognition as a unique people with a unique identity. 

Secondly, instead of focusing on the conditions of Hon. Wirba 's reappearance, we should focus on the message and the mission of the messenger. When Hon. Wirba took to the rostrum this time around, he said he has come to continue from where he left off. If we recall, his last message was  a call to all MP'S of Southern Cameroons extraction to withdraw from the Parliament.  While on the podium, he brought with him a Southern Cameroons file which he had prepared  for discussion and pressured the Speaker to tell the House when the southern Cameroons question  was going to be deliberated because in his opinion, it was of grave importance. Hon. Wirba' intention was to make the Southern Cameroons problem a priority topic of discussion, thereby opening the  dialogue process. 

 

In addition, following the  incessant  interruptions by the Speaker of the house, the  MP asked the speaker if representatives from the Southern Cameroons were not allowed to speak about the plight of their people in the House. He further retorted that if that was the case, then  MP of Southern Cameroons extraction should go and  form their own Parliament where they can discuss the issues affecting their people. As if that was not enough, Hon. Wirba  challenged the author of the arrest warrant to come and arrest him on stage. Hon. Wirba's intention was to dare the regime to arrest him. If this  happened or happens,  it would attract the sympathy of other S.Cameroons MP, boost their solidarity and give them more reason to stage a walk out of the Parliament of La Republique . Hon. WIRBA is using his position and power to get MP'S to resign from LRC parliament.

While it is too premature to jump into conclusions, I remain resolute in my support for  Hon. Wirba until proven otherwise.  I see his return as a blessing to the struggle rather than a curse. Our people now have a leader to speak for them  back home until the final release of the other leaders. His presence fills up a leadership void in the home front  and hopefully Hon. Wirba will continue to rally the home front as he did in the past until  we get to Buea.

Ray Baba-  The Dreamer

Biya don Match Shit...

 

Meet International Lawyer who is part of the Defense team of the leaders of the Southern Cameroons Struggle: Mr Karim Khan

Karim Ahmad Khan is a British lawyer and specialist in international criminal law andinternational human rights law. He was called to the bar in 1992 at London's Lincoln's Innand later attended Wolfson College at Oxford University for doctoral studies in law. He presently carries on an international practice before courts in Britain and abroad.

He worked as a Senior Crown Prosecutor at the British Law Commission and from 1997-2000 served as a legal adviser to the UN International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and later as defence counsel before Special Courts in East Timor, Sierra Leone and Yugoslavia and Rwanda. He is the lead counsel in the defense team of William Ruto at the International Criminal Court. In addition to international criminal and human rights law, he has in-depth experience and expertise in immigration and asylum law and is an approved counsel to act for Britain's Attorney General. His international standing and expertise was further recognized by the offer of the post of international legal adviser to the Appeals Chamber of the Iraqi Special Tribunal (IST) in 2005. He was also made a member of the Queens Council.

Karim Ahmad Khan was appointed to lead the Defence team of President Charles Taylor of Liberia at the Special Tribunal.He was recently the head of incumbent Kenyan Deputy-President, His Excellency Mr. William Ruto's defense team at the Hague before the latter's case was dismissed on 5 April 2016.

More than a hundred lawyers answered present at the military court in y'de. National and international,whites and blacks,Africans and Europeans . Non of them want any form of payment from the west Cameroonian for being their lawyer. Just so you take note, the white guy is an international layer who represented Uhuru Kenyatta president of Kenya at the ICJ international court of justice at The Hague in Holland.

Summary of the session today. The session started at 10.50 when the presiding judge came in and declared the session open. She asked if the state counsel had any special observations and he simply introduced the team with which he was working. Then barrister Akere Muna gave his opening word , note that he did mention that about 25 years ago he was in that same court with some other colleagues to defend another lawyer Yondo Black who was involved in a political case that had to do with multipartism.  He also said federalism and multipartism was a similar thing. Given that we also have freedom of speech in Cameroon it is unheard of that people face a trial for exercising that rights as citizens. The suspects were called ahead Bibixy , Fontem and Mballa .  The judge then went ahead to ask for the interpreter to be brought forward and take the oath that was done. Then holden charge was read in french.  Every body wanted to hear it in English . So the interpreter was asked to translate. .There was a big problem. His opening words showed how incompetent he was. So he kept making mistakes and batonier Sama who could not take it like other lawyers spoke up.

He revolted against that kind of intepretation and asked the interpreter to do his job properly. It was generally agreed that he was not good enough so the judge asked for the case to be adjourned so a better one could be gotten .so batonier Tchoungang said the process could go on while another be looked for later. And the three suspects agreed to that. The state counsel said two things. One he has received all three in his office all and they are perfectly bilingual and that brought some murmuring in the hall...I might be perfectly bilingual but I have the right to be judged in the language am most comfortable in .Then secondly he proposed that one of his collaborators translated but the president said to save time she won't have to allow another take oath so the will manage the former. Then the lead counsel Akere introduced his colleagues whom had been selected to plead because over a hundred lawyers constituted cannot talk so ten were selected.  Then not all ten took turns to talk but three and batonier Eta Besong in his first few lines asked the  president and her accessories if they were ready to render justice or they were ready to follow orders from above. Batonier Tchoungang said it is a symbolic and  historic case cos it's like history repeating itself and also concerns two key towns buea and bda the former being the plc of celebration of the 50th anniversary of Cameroon n the latter being the birth place of multipartism in Cameroon . The counsel for prosecution also raised the fact that the suspects were judged out of their natural environment and that was making their procedure so difficult. The state counsel took his turn and said the military tribunal in yde has a national competence.  Because some of their suppose crimes involve attack on state security and terrorism. So the president gave room for the prosecution to present their witnesses. The state counsel presented a list of supposed witnesses and civil claimants and said he was still investigating to see if there are any more. Note that per article  370 n 414 of the criminal procedure code when debate starts you can't introduce any more witnesses. How in the first place did the case come to court if there are no witnesses and civil claimants..that was supposed to be taken care of at the level of preliminary inquiry if not there is nou  case. Note that the procedure has been greatly violated in many incidents. But the moral of the suspects are very high which is a good thing.the session ended at a few minutes pass two and was  adjourned to the 23 of march for the  prosecution to produce witnesses.

 

 

 

Exclusive video : Killings and Repressions during the University of Buea Student Strike

http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=8040444618278039337&q=Standing+with+the+students#

Southern Cameroons: If 1953 was to repeat itself.

 Written by Emmanuel NebaFuh

Originally Titled : Why President Paul Biya MUST not underestimate the people of the former British Southern Cameroons: A lesson from our history. 

After forty five years of enslavement, second-class citizenship and forceful administrative integration of Southern Cameroons with Nigeria, the General Assembly of the United Nations came face to face with the reality that the people of Southern Cameroons were capable of terminating their marriage with Nigeria – against the wish of the mighty British Empire.  

In May 1953, there was a serious leadership crisis within the National Council for Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), resulting from the limitations of the Macpherson Constitution.   

The Constitution gave Legislative Supremacy to the Central Government of Nigeria and made Regional Assemblies powerless.

P.M John Ngu Foncha greeting members of the British Southern Cameroons government cabinet.

During the height of the crisis, 13 Southern Cameroons Members of Parliament elected into the Eastern House of Assembly on the NCNC ticket understandably adopted a neutral position on the grounds that they were not Nigerians. 

The dismissal of Southern Cameroons Government Minister Hon Solomon T. Muna, by Prime Minister Michael Okpara, who rejected all calls to have Muna reinstated aggravated matters. 

Dr. Emmanuel Mbela Lifafa Endeley, the leader of the Southern Cameroons Parliamentary Group in the Eastern House came to the conclusion that separation from Nigeria was the only appropriate answer to the crisis. 

Angered by discrimination and the domineering behaviour of Nigerian politicians, the Southern Cameroons representatives, declared “benevolent neutrality” and withdrew from the Assembly. 

Southern Cameroons’ withdrawal from the Eastern Nigerian House of Assembly in Enugu generated a new spirit of nationalism amongst Southern Cameroonians – who resisted all forms of Nigerian intimidation and committed themselves to the achievement of self-government for Southern Cameroons. 

In May 1953, Dr. Endeley convened a broad based meeting of all native authorities and political organizations in Southern Cameroons in Mamfe.

Southern Cameroonians in Nigeria: 1953 Dr Endeley in suit.

During the meeting, Southern Cameroons leaders decided to bury their differences and fight for a separate region for the Southern Cameroons. In June 1953, Kamerun National Congress (KNC) - the first indigenous political party in Southern Cameroons was created with Endeley as President. 

Following the bold, courageous and daring actions of Southern Cameroonians leaders, Colonial Secretary Oliver Lyttleton agreed that the Nigerian Constitution be redrawn to provide for greater Regional Autonomy. He summoned a constitutional review conference of all Nigeria parties in London. 

Dr. Endeley led the Southern Cameroons delegation to the London Constitutional Conference from 30, July to 22 August 1953. 

The Lyttleton Constitution which emerged from the Lancaster Conference had one significant difference from the Macpherson Constitution that it replaced. 

Residual powers were transferred from the Central Government to the Regions, areas of exclusive and concurrent legislative competence defined, and Regions endowed with a Premier and a Cabinet.

On his return from London, Dr. Endeley received a warrior’s welcome. He went on to win the 1953 General Elections, become Leader of Government Business, and negotiated for the creation of the autonomous Region (Statehood) of Southern Cameroons in 1954.  

Following Southern Cameroons’ reunification with La Republique du Cameroun, their leaders Prime Minister John Ngu Foncha and President Amadou Ahidjo respectively agreed in Foumban that the Federal Constitution of 1961 would preserve the statehood of Southern Cameroons which became West Cameroon and La Republique du Cameroun which became East Cameroon within the Federal structure. 

That was the spirit of Article 47 of the Federal Constitution. 

President Ahidjo however used Article 2 of the Federal Constitution to supercede Article 47 and call for the 1972 referandum. 

The violation of Article 47 which dismantled the Federal Structure of West Cameroon and East Cameroon. The autonomy of West Cameroon under a Prime Minister was reduced from a Statehood to a Minority-hood referred as provinces (North West and South West). Today, the provinces are referred as regions. This is the root cause of the Anglophone Problem which has led to the submergence of the Anglophone Educational, Legal, Economic and Socio Cultural Systems (not exclusively). 

After fifty five years of union with La Republique du Cameroun, the current political crisis in Cameroon is reminiscent of events that prompted Southern Cameroons to end its forty five years of marriage with Nigeria. 

By Emmanuel Nebafuh.

Permanent Representative

African Parliamentary Alliance for UN Reforms - Geneva

West Cameroon MPs Should Return Home

Hon Wirba Calls on The Consortium to Set a Date for West Cameroon MPs to Return Home 

My dear people of West Cameroon, what happened across our towns and villages yesterday 11th February 2017 was historic. 

Despite internet blackout and threats made by colonial administrative authorities, intimidating our educational authorities to show up and march, the massive Passive Resistance Campaign and ghost towns was a clear message to Yaoundé that the people of West Cameroon are unified more than ever before, and our resistance is growing from strength to strength.

I want to thank everyone of us that made the Plebiscite Day Defiance a success.

To the leadership of The Cameroon Anglophone Civil Society Consortium, Tassang, Mark and Ivo, you represent the People of West Cameroon and we have your back. Anyone speaking against you is speaking against the millions of disadvantaged and vulnerable people of West Cameroon. 

To West Cameroonians in the Diaspora – those across Africa, Europe, America, Asia (not exclusively), we can hear you and we are humbled by your relentless support. 

By using unorthodox schemes to ferry strangers, dress military men and prisoners to pose as students and march in Buea – in spite of their uncoordinated steps and lack of Anglo-Saxon manoeuvers, is evidence that our slave masters and their cahoots are desperate and slowly running out of options. 

Before joining La Republique du Cameroun, Southern Cameroons was an autonomous state with a buoyant economy, a Prime Minister and a functioning democracy - one of the best in Africa. 55 years later, our Anglo-Saxon Educational, Legal, Economic and Socio Cultural Systems (not exclusively) are on the verge of extinction and our people have been reduced to slaves and beggars - in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. 

With unrestrained brutality, our people are being jailed, killed, kidnapped, tortured, raped and maimed at the orders of colonial Governors, Senior Divisional Officers and Divisional Offices, just for dare asking for a return to Federation.  

In 1953, Southern Cameroons Representatives under the leadership of Dr E.M.L. Endeley, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today withdrew from the Enugu Assembly at the height of discrimination and withering injustice against our people. 

That momentous decision ended our long night of captivity in Nigeria and paved the way for an autonomous Southern Cameroons. 

In the spirit of that marvellous 1953 militancy, I humbly call on the people’s Consortium to set a date for the withdrawal of all West Cameroon representatives (both government and opposition) from the National Assembly.

The only reason why we (Members of Parliament) are in the Ngoa-Ekelle Glass House is because of our constituents - the people. 

It’s time we stop giving legitimacy to a government that’s demonising the patriotic people of West Cameroon as extremist. 

IN A FEW HOURS, WEST CAMEROON WILL BE ON TRIAL! TO HONOUR AGBOR BALLA & ALL OUR BROTHERS ON TRIAL, MONDAY 13th IS DEDICATED FOR PRAYERS, WHILE TUESDAY 14th FEBRUARY IS GHOST TOWN! THEY STOOD FOR US! LETS STAND FOR THEM UNTIL THEY’RE SET FREE! 

The time is now for us to give an unmatched impetus to The Consortium and dramatize our shameful condition until North West and South West regions are restored from the present minority-hood to a statehood reminiscent of 1961. 

Hon Wirba

What Do the People of Southern Cameroons Want?

Written by Julius Ayuk Tabe

Originally Posted on Coco Wonder Blog 

EVERY CAMEROONIAN SHOULD READ THIS ARTICLE! 

Great Article By Julius Ayuk Tabe...Before You Fight AND While You Fight....Please Read To Know Why....

The struggle in Cameroon by the people of Southern Cameroons is not only because the other side is not recognizing her system and abiding by the cohabitation principles laid out in 1961, but is also due to the fact that the Republic of Cameroun is completely annexing the British Southern Cameroons, wiping away all signs of its heritage and forcing its people to become the people of the Republic of Cameroun.

I was going to title this article “What Do Anglophone Cameroonians Want?” To avoid any confusion of identity with those who simplify being Anglophone in Cameroon as being able to speak English, I want to be clear that the claims in Cameroon center around a people who originate from a specific geographical region known as British Southern Cameroons. In this article, any further mention of Anglophone should be related to people from the then British Southern Cameroons or from West Cameroon, as opposed to anyone from the Republic of Cameroon who can express himself or herself in English. The identity issue is foremost in this struggle. Identity is far more than language. With Identity comes language, values, governance, culture and a way of life. In these aspects, the two peoples in today’s Republic of Cameroon (British Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun) have fundamental differences. The struggle in Cameroon by the people of Southern Cameroons is not only because the other side is not recognizing her system and abiding by the cohabitation principles laid out in 1961, but is also due to the fact that the Republic of Cameroun is completely annexing the British Southern Cameroons, wiping away all signs of its heritage and forcing its people to become the people of the Republic of Cameroun.

2017 offers us a ray of hope, beckoning in the horizon. Our people now have another golden opportunity to decide on divorce from the Republic of Cameroun or to stay in this marriage of convenience and keep complaining. Insanity is doing the same thing and expecting different results. If we do today what our leaders did in 1961 and 1972, then our children, grand children and great-grand children will most likely get in 2083 and 2100 what we have now. The opportunity of this critical juncture cannot be missed!

The world is silent as the time-bomb in Cameroon is ticking to the point of explosion. Even people in neighboring Nigeria do not seem to know what is happening next door. Hardly does one turn on the TV or the pages of Nigerian newspapers and hear or read anything about Cameroon, in spite of the over 1500 kilometers land border that the two countries share. Nigeria has an embassy and two Consular Offices in Cameroon (Yaounde, Douala and Buea). Similarly, Cameroon has an embassy in Abuja, a consular office in Lagos and another in Calabar. Estimates put the number of Nigerians living in Cameroon at around two million. What happens in Nigeria has a direct or indirect impact in Cameroon and vice versa. The case of Boko Haram is glaring for all to see. For many people in the world, Cameroon is a country in peace. We should note that peace is not the absence of war. Behind the seeming peace in Cameroon is a growing Anglophone problem; discrimination, marginalization and almost outright enslavement. This is happening while the world watches in silence. Unfortunately, such problems only come to the limelight when there are strikes, riots and killings.

Recently, the situation in the English speaking part of Cameroon (British Southern Cameroons) could only be described as having been totally dead. The entire Anglophone Cameroon was like a ghost-town. Reports that reached us said that from Ekok and Otu at the southern border with Nigeria, to Afab, Ewelle, Kembong, Mamfe, Batchuo, Bakebe, Tinto, Sumbe, Kumba, Ekondo-titi, Mundemba, Muyuka, Buea, Limbe (Victoria), Tiko, Bamenda, Bali, Wum, Ndop, Kumbo, Nkambe and Menchum, everything was at a standstill. There were no movements, either of people, bikes or vehicles. This was in complete obedience to a sit-in strike called by the Teachers’ Trade Union and the Common-Law Lawyers, following an impasse at the close of last year. The response was even more significant considering the fact that the government of Cameroon deployed ministers and senior administrators to the region, to meet with chiefs and other stakeholders to lobby for the strike not to be adhered to.

In their “quiet” action, the Anglophones had spoken clearly and loudly to the authorities in Yaoundé. There is an Anglophone problem in Cameroon. It should be looked into very carefully and profound solutions sought to it or the people would be left with no alternative than to go their own way. If a marriage cannot work, then divorce becomes the only solution.

Today in Cameroon, we have a situation where teachers of French origin and expression are transferred to the English-speaking part of the country to teach subjects like Biology, Chemistry, Geography, History and Physics. When I was a kid, the only French teachers we had taught us French as a language, which we reluctantly learned. Today, students who study technical education in secondary schools are taught a curriculum that is fundamentally French in nature. As if this is not bad enough, when they complete their studies and have to write the final exams, they write exams set in French. After complaining for many years, the government decided to translate the exams into English and we have ended up now with a situation where a student of Mechanics could see a question set in French as “Quel est le rôle de la bougie dans une voiture?” translated as “what is the role of a candle in a car?” While this translation is correct in verbatim, it is nonsensical in context because of the wrong use of the word “candle” as a translation of “bougie”. The correct translation would have had “spark-plug” instead of “candle”. Little wonder then that Anglophone students are failing exams even before they leave the hall because the right questions were never asked.

The French Law system (Civil Law) is fundamentally different from the British one (Common Law). The educational system in Cameroon today is such that students who go to university to study Law can either end up with a degree in Civil Law or in Common Law. However, there is only one school in Cameroon that trains magistrates and the curriculum of that school is based on the French Civil Law system. What this means is that all the magistrates in Cameroon have been prepared through the French Civil Law system and are expected to go to the English-speaking parts of the nation and adjudicate cases based on the British Common Law order.

There is no Anglophone in any key position in the Supreme Court of the nation. Of the 38 ministers with portfolios in Cameroon, only one (1) is Anglophone. Today, there is no airport in Anglophone Cameroon, but there were three airstrips in this region in 1982. The natural deep-sea port in Cameroon is in Victoria, in the Anglophone region. It has literally been abandoned in preference for the one in Douala, in the Francophone part, which has to be dredged continuously. The only oil refinery in Cameroon is located in the Anglophone part but its taxes are paid to a region in the Francophone part. Over 90 percent of the workers at the oil refinery, from the guards at the gate to the General Manager are Francophones. After a lot of pressure from the Anglophones, the government has been reluctantly creating tertiary education centres in the Anglophone region, but fills them with students of Francophone origin. The latest instance was the admissions into the School of Sports of the University of Bamenda, in the Anglophone part, to which less than five percent of the students are Anglophones. In a class of about 250 students in the Faculty of Engineering at the University of Buea, less than 50 are Anglophones. The situation in the Faculty of Health Sciences at this university is even worse.

To better understand what the Anglophone Cameroonians want, let us take a walk down memory lane and see where they are coming from, why they are here, and where they are going to. The unfortunate situation of Cameroon started in 1919 at the end of World War 1. Before 1919, Kamerun, as it was known, was a German territory. After the war in which the French, British and Belgian forces defeated the Germans, the spoils of war were shared between France and Britain. This was ratified in the Treaty of Versailles. In that agreement, Eastern Cameroon was given to France and Western Cameroon was given to Britain, as Trust Territories. The British government took their part, known as the British Cameroons, and added it to the Republic of Nigeria. Before being attached to Nigeria, Western Cameroon was further divided for administrative convenience into two; Northern British Cameroons and Southern British Cameroons. The Northern British Cameroons was administered as part of Northern Nigeria and the Southern British Cameroons as part of Southern Nigeria.

In 1954, Southern British Cameroons became a self-governing territory, following her declaration of benevolent neutrality in the Nigerian Eastern House of Assembly. It had a governance structure with a legislature, judiciary, House of Chiefs and an executive branch headed by a prime minister. They built a prime minster’s lodge which still stands tall to this day in Buea. They set up democratic institutions in the region and the people there participated actively in a democratic political system. In 1959, multiparty elections were held in the Southern British Cameroons and the opposition party candidate, John Ngu Foncha won and became prime minister, replacing Dr. EML Endeley. A peaceful democratic transfer of power happened in Africa in 1959. Where did we go wrong?

The Unasked Options That Led To a Very Unhealthy Marriage

On January 1, 1960, French Cameroun got its independence from France and named itself the Republic of Cameroun. On October 1, 1960, ten months after the Republic of Cameroun, Nigeria got its independence from Britain and became the Federal Republic of Nigeria. In February 1961, a plebiscite was organised in which the people of British Cameroons (both South and North) were asked to choose whether they wanted to achieve independence by joining the already independent Republic of Cameroun or join the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The people of Northern British Cameroons (part of North-East Nigeria today) voted overwhelmingly to remain as part of Nigeria, while the majority of the people of Southern British Cameroons (today’s Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon) voted to join the Republic of Cameroun in a loose confederation. The unasked option was “whether any of the British Cameroons wanted to be an independent nation”. This option would have been in order, considering that the British Southern Cameroons had a land size of about 43,000 km², slightly larger that the 41,543 km² of the Netherlands, with a population of about eight million, more than that of Paraguay.

From July 17 to 21, 1961, the first president of the Republic of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo, organised a conference in Foumban to draw up a charter for a Two-State system within a federal political arrangement. After the Foumban conference, on September 30, 1961, President Ahidjo proclaimed into being the Federal Republic of Cameroon, and the two states celebrated unification on October 1, 1961. From thence, Southern Cameroons was named West Cameroon and the Republic of Cameroun named East Cameroun. On May 20, 1972, in another master stroke, President Ahidjo outmanoeuvred the people of Southern Cameroons in a stage-managed referendum and created the United Republic of Cameroon. In doing so, he changed the organisation of the Southern Cameroons organisation was earlier divided into six regions (Mamfe, Kumba, Victoria, Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe) into two Provinces of his United Republic; the “South West” and the “North West” Provinces. He divided East Cameroon into five provinces (Northern, Western, Littoral, Central South and Eastern).

How Long? Too Long!

President Ahidjo ruled the United Republic of Cameroon until November 1982, when it is believed that his French doctor tricked him about his health, making him resign and hand over power to his long-time associate and prime minister, Paul Biya. He remained as the president of the only political party at the time, the Cameroun National Union (CNU). It is also widely believed that in 1983, the two powerful men had a feud that led to the former president going into exile in France. In an earlier twist, in June 1983, there was a coup attempt that was foiled. Ahidjo went into exile in July, and in August he announced that he was no longer the head of the CNU. In February 1984, Ahidjo was sentenced to death in absentia for his alleged participation in the failed coup. In April 1984, another violent coup was foiled and many believed that the former president had his hands in it. Ahidjo denied any involvement in the coup. The death sentence on President Ahidjo was later commuted to life-imprisonment by President Biya. Later on Ahidjo moved to Senegal where, on the November 30, 1989, he died of a heart attack in Dakar. In one of my trips to Senegal, I felt truly sorry on visiting and standing beside the tombstone of the man who always coughed before his radio addresses, with every Cameroonian standing still. I read the inscription on his tomb, which translates to “here lies the remains of Ahmadou Ahidjo, the former President of Cameroon”. How and where the mighty fall!

President Paul Biya has been ruling Cameroon since November 1982. Yes, 18 years before the 21st century, 17 years since, and still counting. In 1984, he changed the name of the country from the “United Republic of Cameroon” back to the “Republic of Cameroon”. In the same stroke, he fractured the Northern province into three (Adamawa, North, and Far North). He met a single party in the country and reluctantly accepted multiparty democracy in the early ‘90s, in which he won elections by just over 52 percent. In the last election in 2011, he won by 78 percent. When he took over power, the presidential term of office was without limit. He changed it to two terms of five years each, not counting all the years he had ruled before that date. He changed it again to two terms of seven years, and in 2008 in another constitutional amendment, he eliminated the term limits altogether, making himself practically president for life.

Over the years, most of the people that the presidents of the Republic of Cameroon have placed in key positions in the world’s greatest organisations are Francophones. These include those appointed to the United Nations and key countries, as Ambassadors and High Commissioners. Until 2008, all the Cameroonian Ambassadors to the UN, USA, UK, Nigeria, France and Germany were Francophones. Till date only one Ambassador to these countries, the Cameroon High Commissioner to the UK, is Anglophone.

Cameroon Ambassadors/ High Commissioners to Nigeria (All French-Speaking Cameroonians):

• M. Haman Dicko – 1960 – 1966
• Hamadou Alim – 1966 – 1975
• Mohaman Yerime Lamine – 1975 – 1984
• Souaibou Hayatou – 1984 – 1988
• Samuel Libock – 1988 – 1994
• Salaheddine Abbas Ibrahima – 2008 to date

Cameroon Ambassadors to the United Nations (All French-Speaking Cameroonians):

• Ferdinand Oyono — 1974 to 1982
• Martin Belinga Eboutou — 1998
• Anatole Marie Nkou — 2007
• Michel Tommo Monthé — 2008

Cameroon Ambassadors to the United States of America (All French-Speaking Cameroonians):

• Jacques Kuoh-Moukouri
• Joseph Owono — from 1970s
• Paul Pondi — from 1982 to 1993
• Joseph Bienvenu Charles Foe-Atangana
• H.E. Étoundi Essomba — the current ambassador

Cameroon High Commissioners to the United Kingdom:

• Paul Pondi — 1977
• Dr. Gibering Bol-alima
• Nkwelle Ekaney – 2008 (A English-Speaking Cameroonian)

Cameroon Ambassadors to France (All French-Speaking Cameroonians):

• Ferdinand Oyono — from 1965 to 1968
• Jacques-Roger Booh-Booh — from 1983
• Lejeune Mbella Mbella — over twenty years
• Samuel Mvondo Ayolo — from October 2015

Cameroon Ambassadors to Germany (All French-Speaking Cameroonians):

• Jean-Baptiste Beleoken — 1970’s
• HE Holger Mahnicke

The Anglophone Cameroon problem is real and must be addressed as a matter of urgency.

Julius Ayuk Tabe is Assistant Vice President and Chief Information Officer, The American University of Nigeria, Yola.

Southern Cameroons: When the Will of the People Triumph over Political Demagoguery

Southern Cameroonians are once again re-writing their history with a new marker color combination. At a time when the western world is retreating to look inward and cater more for its populace, it becomes very challenging for communities in less powerful nations to galvanize support for their plight. The United Kingdom embarked on a BREXIT agenda and  America’s new strong man President Donald Trump walked into the White House with an “America First” policy.

This in no way strips hope away for distant third world communities. Fortunately, there still exist a platform that brings the world closer together. That platform is called the Social Media. Facebook and Twitter have become powerful tools for syndicating key messages across the world.

Politics, economic interests and greed has let powerful governments such as France, the US, Germany and many others to accommodate dictators and stay quite to  injustice. The situation in Cameroun is a glaring example, where President dictator Paul Biya, an 84-year-old grandpa who has been ruling Cameroun for 34 years.  Amidst allegations of gross human right abuses, corruption and crimes against humanity; powerful Western countries who wield the power to put an end to such atrocities by pressuring the government of Biya through sanctions have chosen to pay lip services because of political and economic interests.

Since October 2016, the people of Southern Cameroons (a formerly independent State) or West Cameroon have been protesting the gross marginalization and injustices  by the Republic of Cameroun.  They embarked in a “Ghost Town” also known as non-violent protest which led to the killing of 8 Youths in Bamenda and Buea according to official records.  The Consortium that was set up to dialogue with the government to seek lasting solutions to the problem was  outlawed by the government after attempts to bribe and coerce the members of the Consortium failed.

As of January 2017, the dictatorial regime has arrested the leaders of the Southern Cameroons and the Consortium amongst them Barrister Agbor Nkongho Balla, Dr. Fontem, Honorable Justice Ayah Paul Abine and Mancho “BBC”.  The regime has completely militarized the Southern Cameroons region (Northwest and Southwest) and has abducted over 500 young boys between the ages of 17 to 30, loaded in trucks and taken to Yaoundé where some have been detained in prisons and others have been massacred in mass graves in Soa (outskirts of Yaoundé). There is no certainty as to how many have been killed so far, but according to eye witnesses, more than 500 young boys have gone missing since the beginning of the protest. The only crime these innocent souls committed was to  request for justice, better treatment and a return to the two state Federation as was the case in 1961. A cross section of Francophone Camerounians have been indifferent to the killings and plights of the Southern Cameroonians. A handful have raised their voices to sympathize with “Anglophones”, but the majority have remained spell-bound and have joined the regime in accusing Southern Cameroonians of trying to divide the country; with claims of Cameroun’s “oneness and indivisibility”. Utter insult.

Despite threats and unimaginable repressions, the entire Southern Cameroonian population have remained resolute and united. They have maintained  their stance on continuing the Ghost town until a satisfactory  resolution of the upheavals is sought . Haven forced the leader of the Teacher’s Trade Union Mr Tassang Wilfred to escape the pangs of police brutality and seek refuge at a foreign embassy in Cameroon; the Government created a fake committee of Teachers Trade Union under the leadership of Mr Tameh Valentine whom they bribed an alledged sum of 150 million CFA francs to call off the teacher’s strike and initiate the re-opening of schools.  Mr. Valentine and a few cohorts went on National television and called off the strike, stating amongst other things that schools were going to re-open on Monday January 6^th 2017. 

What the Biya regime failed to understand is that, Southern Cameroonians all over both in the Northwest, Southwest and in the diaspora have taken their destinies into their own hands. They are wiser now more than ever and have finally risen above FEAR. They want to reclaim their pride and freedom back. Southern Cameroonians only demand two things: Either a return to the two state federation (which is fast becoming unpopular with the continuous killings and repressions and internet blackout) or total independence as was the case before 1961.

Despite the multiple threats to teachers by the Ministry of Education to suspend the payment of  salaries of teachers who obey the calls for strike; and please to parents of students to send their kids to schools; coupled with multiple diabolic schemes by the promiscuous Mayor of Buea Mr. Ekema with the sealing and even burning of the shops of protesters; schools did not open on February 6^th and the Ghost town was 200% effective. The people of Southern Cameroons sent a strong message to the Biya regime that they will not be coerced and will not settle for anything less than what they demanded.  Southern Cameroonians have defied tyranny in just a couple of months. 

Indeed, the government is beginning to understand that the Consortium calls the shots, not them.  Never doubt the will and power of a united people.  Defiance in the face of injustice. Southern Cameroonians are schooling the rest of Africa. This protest will indeed go down history and remind the world that non-violence as a technique is still very effective in 2017 as it was in the time of Mahatma Ghandi and Dr Martin Luther King Jr.

As the rest of  Cameroun moves towards the celebration of the 11 February even;  that famous  “black Saturday” when their sovereignty was forfeited on the altar of national unity; Southern Cameroonians have decided to remind the rest of Cameroun and the world what that day represents to them. It is not a day of celebration as was erroneously manipulated and distorted by the regime in the past. The date of 11 February will henceforth be a day of national mourning.  

As we approach this faithful day, the Consortium as well as other Southern Cameroonians groups in Cameroon and in the diaspora would come together in black garments to commune and mourn and reflect on the way forward. No son or daughter of Southern Cameroon will ever participate in any marching event organized on this day.  For close to a month now, the dictatorial regime of Yaoundé has connived with MTN Cameroun to  block and blackout internet supply in the Northwest and Southwest regions (Anglophone Southern Cameroons) while the rest of Francophone Cameroon bask in full speed internet. There are even rumors that government is planning to cut telephone line in these regions as well between Thursday 09^th February 2017 and Saturday the 11^th of February in order to stifle any forms of communication and rallying against the 11 February. They however fail to understand that this struggle was divinely ordained and no form of human or technological obstruction is going to deter the people from standing their grounds.

The regime is shaking, tensions are running higher than blood pressure and all eyes are fixed on Saturday February 11 2017.  Let’s wait and see what happens.

If Dictatorship is a Disease, Non-violent Protest is the Cure.