Part III- Rebirth of the Southern Cameroon Nation

Usurpation of Power and the Marginalization of Southern Cameroonians

In part 2 of this series, I discussed how President Ahidjo of French Cameroun meticulously destroyed the economic stability and independence of the West Cameroon after independence. The economic plan was set in motion to run parallel to his political agenda to usurp power and transform West Cameroon into a mere region within La Republique.  The first step in achieving that goal was by initiating a one party system of government and centralizing power in Yaoundé through a Constitutional revision in 1972.  To complete the annexation scheme, Ahidjo will then proceed with a silent but tactical assimilation and marginalization of West Cameroon in to the French system both politically and socio-culturally. This was the same tactic used by France to assimilate most of French  Africa. President Ahidjo undoubtedly considered himself superior and felt the need to reduce Southern Cameroonians to the level of servitude and peasantry. Ahidjo did not just want to be seen as the “father of the nation” but he wanted to be worshiped as a demi-god.  If fame, money and power corrupts, then Ahidjo was definitely and absolutely exhibiting those symptoms. The following Paragraphs will place in historical context how Ahidjo carried out this plan.

Hidden Constitutional Agenda

The Foumban Constitutional conference was the event marking the beginning of the loss Southern Cameroons birth right. Ahidjo came to the meeting prepared to sell a well crafted plan designed to consolidate power and assert himself as the unique and ultimate boss in the Federation. J.N. Foncha and the rest of the Southern Cameroon politicians did not pay close attention to the draft constitution that the Ahidjo team brought to the table.  The clauses that dealt with the federal administration were designed to annex and occupy West Cameroon first by placing an occupational force on the ground to intimidate , coerce and sway the people away from any thoughts of resistance. This explains why, as soon as the constitution was adopted and all the delegates returned to their various constituencies, Ahidjo’s first actions was to use the powers conferred on him by the constitution. Ahidjo started passing decrees that would tighten the political and administrative control of West Cameroon. On December 1961 Ahidjo passed decree No. 61-DF-15 which divided the federal republic into 6 regions. After dividing the federation into regions, Ahidjo proceeded by placing each region under  ruthless and disrespectful francophone civil servants called Administrative Inspectors.  They were appointed directly by the president and were only answerable to him. The President gave them the power to use the gendarmes and police force however they deemed fit to implement Ahidjo’s laws and regulations and cement their authority in the regions. To make things worse for West Cameroon, these Inspectors wielded more power than the Prime Minister of West Cameroon. This was the first act that disregarded the Federation and was a violation of the Federal Constitution of 1961 Article 47 which prohibited any law or action that would change the Federal structure as a two-state entity. Ahidjo never cared about the federal constitution as long as his Machiavellian plan was in progress. West Cameroon was reduced from an equal status State to a mere piece of pie out of 6 administrative regions. The Inspectors treated West Cameroon officials with disregard and disrespect and instituted terror on the people of Southern Cameroons. West Cameroon officials were repeatedly stopped and illegally searched with no apology given. Even the illiterate gendarmes and police were ruthless and acted with impunity as though they were superior citizens.

In September of 1966, Ahidjo went ahead and dissolved all existing political parties to form one party - the Cameroon National Union (CNU). This was the birth of the one party rule in the Federal Republic of Cameroon. Southern Cameroonians (West Cameroon) who have been accustomed from birth to a system of democracy and freedom of speech were dumbfounded by these new and strange French policies being imposed on them. Little did they know it was just the beginning of a long nightmare. As if it was not enough, Ahidjo in 1968 decided to appoint Solomon Tandeng Muna as the new Vice President of the Federation and P.M of West Cameroon; replacing A.N Jua without consulting with the Parliament as the law required. This was a show of superiority and power against a community of law abiding citizens.

To make things worse, after successfully subduing the region of West Cameroon through intimidation and military occupation; Ahidjo proceeded to completely do away with the federation by calling a referendum in 1972. This referendum was the official burying of the federal system of government in place for a Unitary system of government. Ahidjo’s justification for a unitary system of government was that  unification will bring about and promote national unity compared to a federation which he stated was very divisive and costly to run. Thus, on 20 May 1972, through smear tactics and trickery, the referendum voted in favor of a Unitary system of government.  On February 06 1972, decree DF 72-270 abolished all legislative, judiciary and administrative institutions that represented the defunct federation.

The Marginalization of Southern Cameroonians

Since joining La Republique du Cameroun in 1961, Southern Cameroonians have been subjected to wanton discrimination in all walks of life. Perceived as second class citizens by the Yaoundé regime, sons and daughters of Southern Cameroons have been mocked at, and relegated to positions of servitude for over 50 years.  Instances of discrimination and marginalization abound and it was only a matter of time before the accumulated anger was to explode into a massive civil unrest. After dismantling the Federation in 1972, the new president Paul Biya (who took over Ahidjo in 1982) accomplished the goal of erasing the memories of a Federation by changing the name from United Republic to the Republic of Cameroon on February 4, 1984.  By reverting to their pre-independence name, with Southern Cameroons as two of its provinces, symbolized the completion of the annexation process. Also, the regime gradually erased the meaning of  11 February which was the Plebiscite day to stand for Youth Day in Cameroon. Children growing up were brainwashed to feeling that it was a day for young people, not knowing the full implication of the memorable event that took place that day. 

The Southern Cameroons (West Cameroon) is a unique entity in the nation-state called Cameroon. It has well-defined boundary lines which border Nigeria to the West and La Republique u Cameroun to the East. The territory is 43,000 square kilometers and harbors a distinct and culturally brilliant population of 5 million inhabitants. Southern Cameroon is only about 20 % of the approximately 30 million people in Cameroon and it occupies two (2) of the 10 regions (Northwest and Southwest).  Despite its size, Southern Cameroons is still more populated than 60 United Nations countries and 18 African Union Member states. We shall look at some of the instances of marginalization of Southern Cameroonians to make a strong case for the need to either restore the two-state Federation that existed in 1961 or to obtain full and unconditional separation and independence.

·         Balkanization of the Southern Cameroons. The Southern Cameroons gained independence as a single entity known as West Cameroon, comprising of the Northwest and Southwest regions.  The regime in an effort to implement the old “divide and rule” strategy decided to break down the Southern Cameroons into two parts (Northwest and Southwest regions); thereby fragmenting what was formerly an independent state into mere provinces within La Republique. There were even plans to further erase every iota of Anglophone culture by merging the Northwest region with the Western province and the Southwest Province with the Littoral province. The ultimate goal of it all was to further assimilate Southern Cameroonians into becoming French men and women and obliterating the ideas of a once independent state of Southern Cameroons from the memories of Southern Cameroonians.

·         Affiliations: Before independence, Southern Cameroonians used the Nigerian Pound as legal tender since it was being administered from Nigeria. In 1962, Ahidjo decided to replace the Pound with the Communauté Financière Africaine -CFA Franc- (African Financial Community) which is tied to the French treasury in France.  It is good to recall here that the CFA Franc was created on 26 December 1945 because of the weakness of the French Franc after the Second World War. The French Franc was devalued and was on life support. France could not compete with the US dollar in terms of exchange rate. They then created the CFA Franc for their colonies in order to get out of the devaluation and facilitate export of products to France. From 1945 to 1958, the currency was called

Colonies Françaises d'Afrique (French colonies of Africa). How can Africans continue to use a currency which symbolizes the old system of oppression and colonialism? See the following article for more.

Inclusion into the French currency was done without consultation with the West Cameroon leaders. Even more worrisome is the fact that, the CFA Franc does not have a single  English word on it. It is completely and entirely written in French, in total disregard for the Anglophone community living in Cameroun. Ahidjo went further to change the traffic in West Cameroon, compelling Southern Cameroonians to drive on the right-hand side of the road as was practiced in French Cameroon. To further isolate West Cameroonians from the Anglo Saxon world, Ahidjo terminated West Cameroons ties to the Common Wealth Community and the Sterlin Bloc; in total violation of the Federal agreement prior to independence. Being out of the Commonwealth meant the loss of certain privileges for the West Cameroons such as preferential export of her cash crops to Commonwealth member states. Ahidjo however maintained his ties to France and the Francophonie. It was not until later that  Cameroon was readmitted back into Commonwealth in 1995.

·         Administrative Positions. Since independence, Southern Cameroonians have not been represented at equal proportion in key administrative areas of government and even when they miraculously do, they are usually subordinates and support staff. Even at the top levels, no Southern Cameroonian has ever occupied the post of President of the Republic in 54 years of the failed union. The position of Vice President of the Federation (during the federal system) and the current the position of Prime Minister Head of government (under the current Republic) are merely figurative titles with no real power. Even the Secretary General at the Presidency who is beneath the Prime Minister (occupied by a Francophone) in the current dispensation wields more power than the Prime Minister himself.

For over 50 years since independence, no Southern Cameroonian has ever headed key ministries such as: Foreign Affairs, Defense, Finance, Territorial Administration, Education, Commerce, General Manager of SONARA company exploiting oil in Southern Cameroons soil) and Industrial Development.

The Cameroon based newspaper The Guardian in its issue No 1068 of December 02, 2016 published some hard facts about the discrimination of Southern Cameroonians in the area of appointments.

1.  No Southern Cameroonian
  There are only 6 Southern Cameroonians in the current 63 member government under President Biya.

2.      There have only been  76 Southern Cameroonians out of the 700 ministers that President Biya ever appointed since taking power 34 years ago.

3.      Out of 130 General Managers of State Corporations, only about 15 Southern Cameroonians ever occupied the position.

4.      Out of 130 Board Chairmen of State Corporations, only about 10 Southern Cameroonians ever occupied the position.

5.      No Anglophone ever occupied the position of Secretary General at the Presidency.

6.      There is no Anglophone on the board of the Douala Stock Exchange.

7.      Only 4 Anglophones were ever appointed Secretary General in 34 existing ministries of the republic in 34 years.

8.      There is only one (1) Anglophone Minister with portfolio out of 38 Ministers.

9.      There are only 6 Anglophones in the over 36 Cameroon Embassies overseas.

10.  There are only 6 Anglophones in Biya’s current 63 member government.

11.  There are only 3 Anglophone Army Generals out of 33 Generals.  Until recently, the army did not permit to have more than 2 Anglophone Generals at the same time.

This chart shows the level of marginalization of Southern Cameroonians in different sectors of Public and Academic life.

·   Academic Sector:

Professional Institutions: The systematic discrimination of Anglophones in most if not all national entrance exams in to professional schools and higher learning institutions is appalling. The exams are set by Francophone and a certain percentage of seats are preserved for privileged Francophone candidates while Anglophone candidates have to sweat and toil to fit in. Often times, even when an Anglophone performs extraordinarily well, he/she has to bribe the person handling admissions in order to occupy the seat which he/she rightfully earned.  Professional schools where these malpractices and marginalization occur the most include the most coveted National School of Administration and Magistracy (ENAM), the School of Post and Telecommunication and International Relations institute of Cameroon (IRIC) and Higher Teachers’ Training College. The French administration is well known for its corruption and it has allowed the gangrene to eat deep within the fabrics of the system. Finding meritocracy in Cameroun is like looking for shooting stars in broad daylight. After passing an entrance exam, Anglophone students have to return home and beg their poor parents to sell all proceeds from their harvest just to raise money for their children to take to Yaoundé and bribe the officials.  Francophone officials handling the candidate files will openly and shameless ask you “Ou est ma biere? (Where is my beer?). In French Cameroon terms, that statement requires money to exchange hands and if you mistakenly buy and offer a physical beer, you risk losing your spot. This gross marginalization may be the explanation as to  why there are very few Anglophones in top  administrative, ministerial and other high positions in the government of La Republique.

University Institutions: There is a raving dysfunction and lack of continuity in the educational cycle  starting from the  primary to the secondary all the way to higher education in Cameroon. An Anglophone student who has been accustomed to the Anglo Saxon system of education most of his/her life is bound to encounter a huge huddle if he/she decides to pursue a major that is only offered in the Universities of Yaoundé I (Ngoa Ekelle ) or Yaoundé II (Soa). These so called "bilingual" universities ironically offer 75 percent of classes in the French language.  Many Anglophones have to rush left and right looking for translated copies of lectures which most times are poorly done by fellow students. Studying in such conditions just sets the premise for academic mediocrity and failure in the long run. I have witnessed this first hand during my experience as a History major student at the University of Yaoundé I. Fortunately for me, I grew up in different Francophone zones like Douala and Ngaoundere and my  “yeye” French helped me survive that experience. I even took it upon myself to translate most of the lectures in English and I  organized study groups to help my fellow Anglophone kin who knew no iota of French because they had lived most of their life either in the Northwest and Southwest regions. This institutional discrimination is not unique to the University of Yaoundé alone because its vestiges can be seen in the universities of  Douala, Dshang and Ngaoundere. No wonder why many Anglophone students who are fortunate enough to afford the cost, choose to travel overseas to countries such as the USA and United Kingdom to pursue their studies. Upon returning back to Cameroon after achieving great academic laurels abroad, it gets even harder fitting in or finding a job in a highly “Francophonized” system like Cameroun which barely recognizes foreign Anglo-saxon diplomas. One is forced to either bribe his/her way to get the degree evaluated and approved or wallow in very populated community of job seekers often affectionately called " Chomencam"..  This frustrating picture is just a tip of the iceberg of what Southern Cameroonians face an "annexed" people in Cameroun. In the end, many Anglophones have resorted to learning and mastering the French Language and some even go as far as hiding their Southern Cameroonian identity just to blend and fit into the French system.Acts like this abound especially in Yaounde and Douala and this is why the Anglophone culture is slowly being extinct. This is the real manifestation of ASSIMILATION as wished by the French dominated ruling  elite in Cameroun.

The ‘Francophonization’ of the  Anglo Saxon educational system is another major problem. This is evident by the deliberate influx of French speaking teachers and administrators (who have no real understanding of the people's culture ) into the Anglo Saxon system. When Anglophone students are taught by incompetent French-trained teachers, the standard is lowered and the level of mediocrity is multiplied and spread like bad news.

In addition, how can one explain the fact that out of the two higher Teachers Training colleges that existed with equal status (Bambili and Yaoundé); the regime was able to manipulate its way into maintaining the one in Yaoundé as the higher institution and the one in Bamenda became an Annex? The same goes for the Schools of Post and Telecommunication in Buea and Yaoundé. The one in Buea became an Annex to Yaoundé. The number of Southern Cameroonians admitted into these schools speak for itself as seen below.

1.      Out of about100 student teachers in the Higher Teachers Training College Annex in Bambili, 80 are Francophone.

2.      Out of the approximately 162 students admitted in the school of Post and Telecommunication in Buea, almost all are from French Cameroon and the language of study is French, with Francophone teachers. Abominable to say the least.

3.      The same goes for the school of Public Works in Buea, where out of a population of 200, only about 27 are from the North and South West regions combined.

These Francophone administrators appointed in Southern Cameroon regions exhibit a certain cavalier attitude in the fulfilment of their duties. This comes with a side dish of arrogance, disrespect for our brothers and sisters (who cannot tag along in French) and a feeling of superiority. These are attitudes that are completely strange to the common cultural Anglophone man who was raised to treat others with respect.

Socio-cultural and Linguistic marginalization: Anglophones are perceived and referred to with derogatory names such as  “fools” “foolish” “stupid” by the majority of Francophone, even those with no education. In fact, Anglophones are looked upon as second class citizens, foreigners and sometimes enemies and this perception is accompanied by well-known labels such as “Anglo fool”, “Biafra”, “enemies dans la maison" (enemy in the house as one Francophone Minister once shameless uttered) and recently “Boko Haram”.

• Official communiques are first released in French and the English version (often very poorly translated) comes out later.  Even the National Radio and Television (CRTV) does 80% of its programs in French. Almost all cartoons, movies and shows are in the French language . Yes indeed, French has been  pushed down the throat of Southern Cameroonians like a bitter pill that one must take if he/she wants to stay alive. 

• Francophone Officials from the head of state to the janitor sweeping the floor does not make the least effort to learn English. The Presidents past and present have set the bad tone by never making a single full speech in English. This example has been replicated in the nooks and crannies of the republic even in the heart of the Southern Cameroons.

Law and Order Sector

Francophone senior officials appointed in the Northwest and Southwest regions find it right to express themselves in court houses and other government offices in French and expect old folks to understand. The closest some can get to the English language after years of working in these regions is “pidgin” English.  Even the language of the military is French and the military tribunals in the Anglophone regions are tailored to the Francophone system. This means that Anglophones serving in the military have to forcefully learn French if they want to succeed or even move up the ranks.

To add pain to the injury, it has been painfully noticed that most of the judges and Magistrates appointed in Common law Anglophone regions are from French Cameroun with Civil law training. How this correlate in practice is another issue. This problem has long been decried by common law lawyers but their cries fell on deaf ears.

Infrastructure:

Southern Cameroons before independence could brag of its multiple seaports and air strips including an international airport in Tiko. Today, there is not a single functioning seaport or airport in the entire Southern Cameroons region. I covered this extensively in part two of this series.

In addition, there has been a total neglect of the Southern Cameroons in terms of road networks and infrastructures. Prior to independence, the Southern Cameroon government built very good all-season roads and the Public Works Development (PWD) ensured their maintenance and integrity. After independence, the government of La Republique has not added any considerable stretch to what already existed. Instead, they assign millions of CFA Franc road construction contracts to their Francophone cronies to do mediocre road works. Till date, there is still no direct road linking the Northwest to Southwest without passing through La Republique (Douala-Bafoussam). This is a direct ploy to keep the region divided. The few instances where the regime built roads in Southern Cameroons have been done because of economic interest. For example, the road from the Mungo Bridge to Tiko, from Victoria to Idenau, and from Santa to Bamenda were constructed to channel oil resources and cash crops from the Southern Cameroons to La Republique. It is not until recently in 2016 that reasonable but not laudable work began to be done on the Kumba – Mamfe roads. The roads going to Nkambe are a complete disaster especially in the rainy season  meanwhile the  much requested Ring Road in the Northwest is still a pipe dream.

Conclusion

It is impossible to draw a conclusion on an ongoing issue as dynamic and deeply rooted as the Southern Cameroons problem. The agglomeration of all the above mentioned events and actions has reached a boiling point where Southern Cameroonians, fed up with an unprofitable statusquo, are standing up as one to say “ENOUGH”. History can testify to the fact that Southern Cameroonians have tried multiple times in the past to seek solutions to their cry by calling for dialogues; but the regime of La Republique completely ignored them.  When multiparty politics was adopted in the 1990s after heavy criticism of the one party system initiated by President Ahidjo and extended by President Biya; Anglophone Cameroonians saw it an avenue to topple the power grip of Yaoundé. One famous person of Anglophone origin at the time who marked history was John Fru Ndi. He launched the main opposition party Social Democratic Party (SDF) and entered the bid for president of the Republic. President Biya through undemocratic means managed to rig the first multiparty presidential elections of October 1992 and won. This was a highly contested victory as international observers affirmed that it was flawed with irregularities and that John Fru Ndi was the actual winner of the elections. This killed the hopes that  a change was going to come through the ballots and marked the beginning of revolutionary movements among Southern Cameroonians.

The All Anglophone Conferences: AAC 1 (April 2-3, 1993) that was held in Buea and AAC 2 (April 29^th - 1st May, 1994) that was held in Bamenda to discuss the future of Southern Cameroons were met with heavy opposition from the Biya regime. The regime completely ignored calls from Anglophone scholars and politicians for a return to the Federal system of government. This era was also marked by the famous “Operation Ghost Town” where streets were deserted. The army of occupation in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon was impeccable with brutal tactics.  Many Southern Cameroonians were jailed , others were killed and a handful of  leaders took refuge abroad. It was like a country under siege. Anglophones were treated like prisoners in their own country, amidst massive arrest and torture of those opposed the regime. All these events paved the way for the creation of the Southern Cameroons National Council (SCNC) in 1995. The SCNC was created out of the feeling of frustration in the way the regime handled the plight of the marginalized Southern Cameroonians. The mission of the SCNC has been to use “the force of argument” to restore the independence of the Southern Cameroons. The regime has always denied the existence of an “Anglophone Problem” and shut down all avenues for sincere and honest dialogue with Anglophone representatives. They never saw the need to sit on a dialogue table with “second-class servants” as they perceived Anglophones to be.  These grievances have built up to the point of no return.  

Haven set the premise in Part I and Part II as to how we got here as a people and the reasons for the current civil protest in the Southern Cameroons (marginalization, discrimination and annexation); the next part of this series will explore and dissect the current strike action led by teachers and lawyers of the Southern Cameroons and propose a way forward.